This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

[pt] As práticas do racismo se inserem nas estruturas sociais, perpassando e orientando as políticas migratórias, a gestão de fronteiras e os aparatos de controle estatais e internacionais. Populações em refúgio cada vez mais são enquadradas pelo aparato fronteiriço de segurança que barra sua travessia e deslocamento, ou que faz com que o direito destas seja colocado à mercê, a partir de um jogo estratégico e retórico dos Estados e atores internacionais. O estudo problematiza esses processos presentes no refúgio pela chave de inteligibilidade do racismo, a fim de compreender os nexos e suas fronteiras, externas e internas, de experiências que se atualizam na diferença do que veio de fora, no seio dos Estados-Nação, em diálogo transversal com o ordenamento internacional e suas consequências para a reintegração do refugiado. / [en] Racism practices are inserted in social structures, permeating and guiding migratory policies, border management, and state and international control apparatus. Refugee populations are increasingly framed by the border security apparatus that bars their crossing and displacement or that causes their right to be placed at the mercy of a strategic and rhetorical game of States and international actors. The study problematizes these processes present in the refuge by the key to the intelligibility of racism, to understand the nexus and its borders, external and internal, of experiences that are updated in the difference of who came from outside, inside the Nation-States, in cross-sectional dialogue with international system and its consequences for the reintegration of refugees.

Cette étude explore le rôle occupé par la figure du Métis, en tant que symbole fondateur du nationalisme Mexicaine de la période postrévolutionnaire (1921 – 1945). La recherche s’organise en fonction de trois pôles : 1) les discours littéraires autour du Métissage et leur intégration à la sphère du discours politique, 2) La position et le rôle joué par les intellectuels et scientifiques d’État dans le processus de création, importation, nationalisation et adaptation d’un appareil des savoirs qui positionnait le Métis comme modèle de la citoyenneté mexicaine et 3) L’ensemble des moyens techniques visant au métissage (plus culturel que phénotypique) de la population en tant qu’ensemble d’êtres vivants (ce que Michel Foucault appelle le biopouvoir). Finalement, notre recherche vise à démontrer comment la démographie et les politiques de santé publique de l’époque ont servi à façonner l’idée d’une nation mexicaine peuplée par une population Métisse. Or, ce Métis était moins un phénotype particulier que l’amalgame d’une série de coutumes et des traits culturels spécifiques et associés à l’idée de la modernité et du progrès. Ainsi, à la différence du « Métis » tel que perçu par les théories postcoloniales, le « Métis » du nationalisme mexicain visait à homogénéiser la population et non pas a célébrer sa diversité. / The aim of this study is to explore the role played by the Mestizo as a central figure of the nation building process in post-revolutionary Mexico (between 1921 and 1945). Our approach is threefold: firstly, It synthesises the evolution and changes in the literary construction of the Mestizo (which evolved from an undesired but unavoidable consequence of colonisation into the ideal of a new, homogeneous and distinctive national population), and the concomitant integration of this ideas into political discourse. Secondly, it explores the role played by the State’s intellectuals and scientists in the creation of a body of knowledge that legitimated the Mestizo as a convenient symbol of Mexican citizenship. Finally, it studies the ways in which these discourses crystallized in a series of technologies aiming at the construction of the Mexican mestizo population. The technologies studied here are, following the notion of biopolitics as developed by Michel Foucault, the production of official statistics and the creation of public health policies and institutions aimed at creating the notion and specific characteristics of the average Mexican (which were more focused on the cultural than in the phonotypical aspects). In defining what was a Mexican supposed to be, the nationalist project was also pushing out of the limits of the us those individuals who refused or were not able to comply with the definition of a Mestizo.

Cette étude explore le rôle occupé par la figure du Métis, en tant que symbole fondateur du nationalisme Mexicaine de la période postrévolutionnaire (1921 – 1945). La recherche s’organise en fonction de trois pôles : 1) les discours littéraires autour du Métissage et leur intégration à la sphère du discours politique, 2) La position et le rôle joué par les intellectuels et scientifiques d’État dans le processus de création, importation, nationalisation et adaptation d’un appareil des savoirs qui positionnait le Métis comme modèle de la citoyenneté mexicaine et 3) L’ensemble des moyens techniques visant au métissage (plus culturel que phénotypique) de la population en tant qu’ensemble d’êtres vivants (ce que Michel Foucault appelle le biopouvoir). Finalement, notre recherche vise à démontrer comment la démographie et les politiques de santé publique de l’époque ont servi à façonner l’idée d’une nation mexicaine peuplée par une population Métisse. Or, ce Métis était moins un phénotype particulier que l’amalgame d’une série de coutumes et des traits culturels spécifiques et associés à l’idée de la modernité et du progrès. Ainsi, à la différence du « Métis » tel que perçu par les théories postcoloniales, le « Métis » du nationalisme mexicain visait à homogénéiser la population et non pas a célébrer sa diversité. / The aim of this study is to explore the role played by the Mestizo as a central figure of the nation building process in post-revolutionary Mexico (between 1921 and 1945). Our approach is threefold: firstly, It synthesises the evolution and changes in the literary construction of the Mestizo (which evolved from an undesired but unavoidable consequence of colonisation into the ideal of a new, homogeneous and distinctive national population), and the concomitant integration of this ideas into political discourse. Secondly, it explores the role played by the State’s intellectuals and scientists in the creation of a body of knowledge that legitimated the Mestizo as a convenient symbol of Mexican citizenship. Finally, it studies the ways in which these discourses crystallized in a series of technologies aiming at the construction of the Mexican mestizo population. The technologies studied here are, following the notion of biopolitics as developed by Michel Foucault, the production of official statistics and the creation of public health policies and institutions aimed at creating the notion and specific characteristics of the average Mexican (which were more focused on the cultural than in the phonotypical aspects). In defining what was a Mexican supposed to be, the nationalist project was also pushing out of the limits of the us those individuals who refused or were not able to comply with the definition of a Mestizo.

[pt] A pesquisa busca questionar a naturalização da violência de Estado direcionada contra os corpos negros no Brasil. Para esta urgente tarefa, o trabalho desenvolve um diálogo central entre a filosofia descolonial e a foucaultiana, dividindo-se em quatro capítulos. O primeiro demonstra o enraizamento desta naturalização desde o período colonial, mostrando a objetificação do corpo negro e a sua invibilização tanto na escravização como no movimento abolicionista. O segundo capítulo aborda o período pós-abolição por meio do projeto de embranqueamento e do racismo científico. O terceiro enfrenta o auto de resistência como prática contemporânea do racismo de Estado da sociedade biopolítica brasileira. Por fim, o quarto pretende refletir sobre resistências e possibilidades de transformações descoloniais desta realidade objetificante e violenta. / [en] The investigation aims to question the naturalization of State s violence against black bodies in Brazil. For this urgent task, the work develops a dialogue between decolonial and foucauldian philosophy, and is divided in four chapters. The first one points out that this naturalization has its roots in brazilian history since colonial time, with the objectification of black bodies during slavery and also at the abolitionist movement. The second one approaches the post-abolition period, its whitening project and the scientific racism. The third part faces the auto de resistência as a contemporary practice of State s racism in the brazilian biopolitic society. Finally, the fourth chapter intends to analyze resistances and possibilities of decolonial transformations of this violent and objectifying reality.