En partant de l’évidence de l’apparition d’un groupe de nouveaux riches promus par le socialisme bolivarien de Hugo Chávez, cette thèse met en évidence les effets contradictoires de l’État pétrolier au Venezuela en montrant qu’ils sont le résultat de la non-coordination de cette doube structure étatique. Les États pétroliers sont significatifs pour la théorie de l’État en ce que leurs actions publiques sont particulièrement soumises à des contraintes économiques. D’une part, s’ils bénéficient d’une autonomie relativement large par rapport au monde économique national, une partie des recettes publiques dépend en revanche, des ventes dans des marchés internationaux sur lesquels l’État n’a aucun pouvoir. La condition pour maintenir ces recettes en dollars est d’entretenir une politique industrielle qui lui assure des rentrées. D’autre part, puisque le monde économique national existe dans les États pétroliers et qu’il génère une fraction non négligeable de ses revenus - notamment au travers de l’impôt à la consommation et à l’importation - il doit contribuer à générer des conditions économiques qui garantissent un niveau de consommation relativement stable. Ainsi de par cette dualité de contraintes, l’État pétrolier au Venezuela a une double structure d’action qui génère des stimuli, en apparence contradictoire envers le monde économique. La structure propre de ces types d’États segmente l’espace social et contraint les stratégies des élites économiques y agissant. / The evidence of the bolibourgeois (the new rich of the bolivarian revolution headed by Hugo Chávez) reveals an uncoordinated dual institutional structure generating mixed-incentives. This type of institutional structure is prevalent in oil countries and states suck in the middle-income trap. In these countries, where industrial policy is a political necessity, an uncoordinated state is usually the norm. In these states, the strategies of the business elites follow the incentives generated by this theorized institutional structure. The strategies of the business elites match the state’s – at first glance, schizophrenic, – mixed-incentives strategy. A first group of agents sells technological goods to the state through direct contracts signed in hard currency (major infrastructure deals, equipment for the energy sector, joint ventures, etc.). A second group sells a basket of regulated products and unregulated products: covering the loss of the former with the revenues of the latter. These business elites’ strategy consisted in surviving and expanding their markets shares as the tight controls swept the less performant – usually smaller – companies in their sectors. Finally, in between these two ways of using the state, a third group of economic corsairs, had a niche strategy, building their companies on the “cracks” of the Venezuelan economy. In our set, the agents from the correct social milieu filled the niches in the private sector. Those with less prestigious upbringing sold to the state. The latter fit the social description of a bolibourgeois. Finally, we show that, these institutional incentives, do not affect the economic structure homogeneously.

In this study, John Gray&rsquo / s theory of value-pluralism is critically analyzed. Gray&rsquo / s modus vivendi, based on Isaiah Berlin&rsquo / s criticism of monism, is a theory that aims to create the conditions in which peace and diversity in late-modern societies can be protected. Gray argues that a legally pluralistic system where collectives have autonomy is more serving to peace than its liberal alternatives. This study argues that Gray fails to achieve its goal of promoting diversity. This is due to the fact that Gray&rsquo / s theory does not recognize &lsquo / personal autonomy&rsquo / and &lsquo / right of exit&rsquo / as standards for a legitimate regime. It is argued in this study that without &lsquo / personal autonomy&rsquo / and &lsquo / right of exit&rsquo / , legally pluralist systems curb the conditions that makes diversity possible and thereby work at the expense of diversity rather than for diversity.

O controle de constitucionalidade de leis sempre foi objeto de desconfiança da teoria democrática. Sob qual justificativa juízes não eleitos podem ter a última palavra sobre o significado de direitos fundamentais? É assim que a questão costumou ser formulada pela tradição. Alguns a responderam em favor desse arranjo, outros em defesa da supremacia do parlamento. Essa seria uma encruzilhada da separação de poderes e as teorias da última palavra se enfrentam nesses termos. A tese investiga uma saída alternativa para esse dilema, oferecida pelas teorias do diálogo institucional. Segundo essa corrente, a última palavra, na democracia, não existe. O trabalho defende que ambas as perspectivas, última palavra e diálogo, têm papel analítico importante a cumprir. Propõe que uma interação de caráter deliberativo, e não somente adversarial, entre os poderes, tem maiores possibilidades de, ao longo do tempo, produzir boas respostas sobre os direitos fundamentais. Torna a separação de poderes sensível ao bom argumento / The judicial review of legislation has always been under the distrust of democratic theory. Under what justification can unelected judges have the last word upon fundamental rights? Thats the way the question has been formulated by the tradition. Some are favourable to this institutional arrangement, whereas others defend the supremacy of parliament. This would be the crossroads of the separation of powers and theories of last word face the dispute under these terms. The thesis investigates an alternative response to this dilemma, offered by theories of institutional dialogue. According to it, there is no last word in a democracy. The dissertation defends that both perspectives last word and dialogue have an important analytical role to play. Is proposes that an interaction of a deliberative kind rather than adversarial is more likely, in the long term, to produce better answers about rights. It turns separation of powers sensitive to the quality of argument

[pt] Na filosofia de Spinoza a essência de cada coisa singular é um esforço por perseverar na existência, um esforço de resistência à própria destruição, de resistência à tristeza, de resistência à servidão. Para Spinoza, existir é resistir. Dentre todas as coisas singulares que existem, o processo de subjetivação do homem, dessas coisas semelhantes a nós, é expressão desta resistência ontológica. Longe de concepções antropológicas individualistas, em Spinoza o homem se constitui nos afetos que acompanham seus inevitáveis encontros com outras coisas singulares, a constituição de sua singularidade é indissociável do convívio social. E assim, alheio às formulações contratualistas, para Spinoza, a constituição da multidão, da sociedade política, se engendra na dinâmica da imitação afetiva, é expressão do esforço individual de cada um de seus constituintes pela existência, esforço pela própria singularidade. Com a multidão se constitui, também, uma potência coletiva que, em seu esforço de resistência à própria decomposição, se organiza em leis comuns e instituições políticas. Neste sentido, nosso filósofo nos apresenta uma concepção intrinsecamente democrática do poder político, expressão imanente da potência coletiva da multidão. Em Spinoza, está sempre nas mãos da multidão a potência de constituição do mais democrático dos regimes ou da mais cruel das tiranias. Percorrendo os principais conceitos da filosofia de Spinoza, nosso trabalho analisa como, desta concepção intrinsecamente democrática do político, constitui-se, também, uma compreensão democrática dos conceitos de resistência e obediência política, e da relação entre eles. A partir da afirmação da relação de imanência absoluta entre potência da multidão e poder político, compreendemos porque, na democracia spinozana, é a resistência que faz o cidadão. / [en] In Spinoza´s philosophy, the essence of each singular thing is an effort to persevere in existing, an effort to resiste self-destruction, to resiste sorrow, to resiste servitude. In Spinoza, existing is resisting. Among all the singular things that exist, the human subjectivization process is the expression of that onthological resistance. Far away from individualistic anthropological conceptions, for Spinoza men is constituted by affects and inevitable meetings with other singular things. So, the constitution of men´s singularity is indissociable of society. And, denying any contratualist conception of society, Spinoza´s conception of multitude constitution - politic society´s constitution - is engendered by the dinamic of affective imitation. It´s, therefore, an expression of the individual effort on existing of each of it´s members, their effort for the constitution of their own singularity. With the constitution of multitude, the collective power, in his own effort of resisting self-decomposition, organizes itself in law and political institutions. Our philosopher presents a democratic concept of political power as an immanent expression of the collective power of multitude. For Spinoza it rests, all the time, in the hands of multitude, the power to build the most democratic of all political regimes or the most cruel of all tyrannies. Going through the most important concepts in Spinoza´s philosophy, our work makes an analysis of the concepts of resistance and of political obedience, and the possible relations between them. From the conception of an absolutily immanent relationship between multitude´s power and political power, we can understand why, in Spinoza´s democracy, it´s resistance that makes a citizen.

Ultrapassado o debate em torno de seu caráter jurídico, impõem-se ao direito das gentes, na atualidade, perspectivas desafiadoras de seus contornos sistêmicos. Como ponto de partida teórico deste estudo, adotou-se a verificação da natureza dos conceitos utilizados pelas teorias fragmentárias do direito internacional que tendem a desestabilizar sua característica de unicidade. Política e direito conformam preceitos que não apenas interagem, mas muitas vezes se identificam. Propõe-se investigar, para tanto, em que medida o resgate de estruturas jurídico-políticas tradicionais como aquelas da teoria geral do estado poderia contribuir à institucionalização da ordem mundial. O trabalho se realiza sob o método dedutivo-indutivo de pesquisa. A partir das referências teóricas estabelecidas pela teoria geral do estado e de sua aplicação ao direito internacional e às propostas doutrinárias fragmentárias, estabelecem-se marcos particulares, os quais são analisados na busca de constatações mais abrangentes e gerais quanto à relação existente entre política e direito. O trabalho divide-se em três partes distintas. Na seção inicial, apresentam-se os elementos teóricos que embasam a pesquisa. Busca-se fixar na primeira parte do capítulo inaugural a perspectiva do direito como um sistema e, em seguida, apresentam-se as premissas iniciais da relação existente entre o político e o jurídico. Logo, procede-se à delimitação de conteúdos a conceitos fundamentais ao estudo. No capítulo segundo, concentram-se os esforços no delineamento das idéias de estado e de soberania e em sua importância para o direito das gentes. Propõe-se, no capítulo seguinte, a aplicação das teorias estudadas à compreensão do direito internacional. No mesmo capítulo terceiro, inicia-se a vinculação das teorias da organização do estado à idéia de poder. A questão do poder pauta a parte seguinte do trabalho, que desenvolve o conceito à luz dos exercícios de concreção e de extração de normatividade para, logo, estabelecer paralelos com as funções exercidas pelo estado internamente e, então, aplicar os mesmos conceitos ao contexto internacional. A função jurisdicional merece, finalmente, atenção especial na última parte do capítulo. A pesquisa segue, em sua quinta divisão, à análise das organizações internacionais. A personalidade e a capacidade dos atores da ordem internacional são, então, estudadas e, em uma segunda parte, a importância dos sistemas de solução de controvérsias no exercício de poder por tais estruturas orienta a investigação. Apresenta-se, finalmente, uma nova proposta de classificação para as organizações internacionais no sexto capítulo com base na existência de sistema institucionalizado de solução de litígios. Inaugurando a segunda seção do trabalho, estabelecem-se, no capítulo sétimo, as linhas gerais da relação existente entre as teorizações fragmentárias do direito das gentes e a política para, em seguida, buscar-se, no capítulo oitavo, elementos empíricos que comprovem o que se defende em experiências regionais, das quais o Brasil faz parte. A nona parte do trabalho se dedica à análise de como a teoria geral do estado se aplicaria à compreensão do direito das gentes de forma propositiva e, em seguida, de como a função jurisdicional identificada na ordem mundial poderia servir à preservação da unidade do direito internacional. No décimo e último capítulo, apresentam-se argumentos já de caráter conclusivo que sustentam ser a percepção fragmentada do direito internacional mero retrato estático de um processo evolutivo. / Considering the debate on its legal character overcome, international law is nowadays confronted with perspectives challenging its systemic character. The examination of the nature of concepts used by the fragmentary theories of international law which tend to destabilize its unity was adopted as a theoretical starting point of this study. Politics and law conform concepts that not only interact, but often equal themselves. It is proposed to investigate to what extent traditional legal structures as those of the general theory of the state could contribute to the institutionalization of international law. The work is performed under the deductive-inductive method of research. From the theoretical frameworks established by the general theory of the state and its use on international law and on the fragmentary doctrinal proposals, particular landmarks are settled, which are analyzed in search of more comprehensive and general conclusions about the relationship between politics and law. The work is divided into three distinct parts. In the initial section, the theoretical elements that outline the research are presented. In the first part of the opening chapter the perspective of law as a system is established and the preliminarily assumptions about the relationship between politics and law are presented. Afterwards, the fundamental contents of important concepts for the study are assigned. In the second chapter, the efforts are concentrated in the concepts of state and sovereignty and its importance to the law of nations. In the following section, the application of the theories studied is proposed to the comprehension of international law. At the same third chapter, the theories concerned with the organization of the state are connected to the idea of power. The questions related to the power compose the main issue of the following part of the work, which develops the concept in light of the legislative and judiciary functions to draw, than, parallels with the functions performed by the state internally and internationally. Jurisdiction deserves, finally, special attention in the last part of the chapter. In the fifth chapter, the research is concentrated on the analysis of international organizations. The personality and the capacity of the actors of the international order are then analyzed, and in a second part, the importance of dispute settlement systems in the exercise of power by such structures is researched. Finally, in the sixth chapter, a new classification of international organizations is proposed based on the existence of institutionalized systems of dispute resolution. Opening the second section of the work, the general lines of the relationship between the fragmentary theories of international law and politics are settled in the seventh chapter and then, in the eighth chapter, evidences of the conclusions established are searched in empirical evidences of regional experiences, of which Brazil is part. The ninth part of the work is dedicated to the analysis of how the general theory of the state applies to the understanding of international law and how the judicial function identified in the world order could preserve the unity of international law. In the tenth and final chapter, arguments already of conclusive character sustain that the fragmented perception of international law conforms a mere static picture of an evolutionary process.

No description available.

Trapped ions in linear Paul traps are largely isolated from interaction with the environment. This property of trapped ions make them a primary choice for quantum technology. Over the last decade, trapped atomic ions in linear radio frequency Paul traps have shown to be an important tool to implement quantum algorithms. The scalability of linear ion traps is required to handle large numbers of qubits, in order to implement useful quantum computation. Advance micro-fabrication technology allows the realisation of scalable ion traps. Further developments of micro-trap designs, for the purpose of scalable quantum technology, requires inter-disciplinary investigations of ion traps. Micro-scale ion trap designs typically require a versatile experimental setup. The first part of this thesis describes such an experimental setup including a chip bracket that can host macroscopic ion traps as well as advanced symmetric and asymmetric ion trap chips with up to 90 control electrodes. The system provides versatile optical access for both type of traps and the vacuum chamber is designed in a way so the ion traps can be replaced within a short amount of time. To test the working of the setup, a macroscopic ion trap with an ion-electrode distance of 310±10 μm is used to trap ytterbium ions (Yb+). The trap is characterised by measuring the heating rate, (n•), and spectral noise density SE(ω). A photoionisation technique is used to ionise the different isotopes of Yb in our trap. Isotope selective photoionisation requires exact measurements of 1So↔1P1 transition for the different Yb isotopes. A technique to measure these resonant frequencies is described. This technique works by observing and aligning fluorescence spots and by using this technique, the 1So↔1P1 transition frequencies for stable isotopes of Yb were measured with an accuracy of 60 MHz. These new measured transition frequencies for stable Yb isotopes differ from previously published work by 660 MHz. Furthermore, this technique can also be used to obtain the transition frequencies at different laser-atomic beam angles, typical for non-perpendicular laser-atomic beam angles. The second part of this thesis discusses the optimisation of surface trap geometries as they are being used to implement scalable ion trap designs which consist of a large number of trapping zones. The trap depth in surface traps is low compared to symmetric traps of similar dimensions. How to optimise the trap geometry to achieve maximum trap depth for a given ion height above the trap electrodes, is discussed. Fast and adiabatic ion shuttling operations in one dimension as well as ion separation and recombination processes are important for many quantum information implementations. The maximum speed of separation of trapped ions for adiabatic shuttling operations depends on the secular frequencies, the trapped ion experiences in the process. It will be shown how such ion trap structures have to be designed for fast ion separation process and linear shuttling. Numerical results of adiabatic shuttling operations for trapped ions in such trap structures are also presented.

The subject of this thesis is the description of quantum black holes as a way to probe quantum gravity. Scenarios of a lower Planck scale make quantum gravity experimentally approachable, therefore a theoretical framework is needed in order to be able to probe quantum gravitational effects. We present a field theoretical formalism for the treatment of quantum black holes and their interactions with particles of the Standard Model. We examine the properties and assumptions governing quantum black holes and develop a methodology to examine their behavior using quantum field theory language. We apply our formalism in several different cases and calculate the cross sections for the production of quantum black holes. We use our results to gain phenomenological insights to quantum gravity, such as the derivation of bounds for the Planck mass from Standard Model processes. The distinction between a continuous and a discrete mass spectrum, for a quantum black hole, is discussed and the relevant cross sections presented. Finally, we use quantum black holes as a gateway to supersymmetry and calculate the branching ratios for the decay of quantum black holes into supersymmetric particles.

The study locates Susurluk Affair into the legal-political theory, around an axis passing through two standpoints that defines the state either as a legal or as a political institution. Two words, Susurluk Affair refer to an accumulation of incidents and relationships that point to extra-legal activities of the state that are revealed by a traffic accident in Turkey. Susurluk Affair and similar cases of extra-legal activities of the state are frequent in modern political life, although the modern state is founded on the presumption of legal use of public authority. Susurluk Affair is discussed with reference to Max Weber&amp / #8217 / s and J&uuml / rgen Habermas&amp / #8217 / s theories of the rule of law, and Hans Kelsen&amp / #8217 / s legal positivism, both of which provide perspectives that define the state as a legal institution, and from the viewpoints of doctrine of raison d&amp / #8217 / etat and Carl Schmitt&amp / #8217 / s theories of the political and sovereignty that conceptualize the state as a political institution. Susurluk Affair can be interpreted in accordance with Weber&amp / #8217 / s, Habermas&amp / #8217 / s and Kelsen&amp / #8217 / s theoretical standpoints either as a deficiency in legitimacy or violations by certain persons, however it can be interpreted as activities for maintaining the state in the framework of the doctrine of raison d&amp / #8217 / etat. On the other hand, the Schmittian approach acknowledges extra-legal activities of the state, but Susurluk Affair cannot be interpreted as a case of deciding the exception in the Schmittian sense.

Ultrapassado o debate em torno de seu caráter jurídico, impõem-se ao direito das gentes, na atualidade, perspectivas desafiadoras de seus contornos sistêmicos. Como ponto de partida teórico deste estudo, adotou-se a verificação da natureza dos conceitos utilizados pelas teorias fragmentárias do direito internacional que tendem a desestabilizar sua característica de unicidade. Política e direito conformam preceitos que não apenas interagem, mas muitas vezes se identificam. Propõe-se investigar, para tanto, em que medida o resgate de estruturas jurídico-políticas tradicionais como aquelas da teoria geral do estado poderia contribuir à institucionalização da ordem mundial. O trabalho se realiza sob o método dedutivo-indutivo de pesquisa. A partir das referências teóricas estabelecidas pela teoria geral do estado e de sua aplicação ao direito internacional e às propostas doutrinárias fragmentárias, estabelecem-se marcos particulares, os quais são analisados na busca de constatações mais abrangentes e gerais quanto à relação existente entre política e direito. O trabalho divide-se em três partes distintas. Na seção inicial, apresentam-se os elementos teóricos que embasam a pesquisa. Busca-se fixar na primeira parte do capítulo inaugural a perspectiva do direito como um sistema e, em seguida, apresentam-se as premissas iniciais da relação existente entre o político e o jurídico. Logo, procede-se à delimitação de conteúdos a conceitos fundamentais ao estudo. No capítulo segundo, concentram-se os esforços no delineamento das idéias de estado e de soberania e em sua importância para o direito das gentes. Propõe-se, no capítulo seguinte, a aplicação das teorias estudadas à compreensão do direito internacional. No mesmo capítulo terceiro, inicia-se a vinculação das teorias da organização do estado à idéia de poder. A questão do poder pauta a parte seguinte do trabalho, que desenvolve o conceito à luz dos exercícios de concreção e de extração de normatividade para, logo, estabelecer paralelos com as funções exercidas pelo estado internamente e, então, aplicar os mesmos conceitos ao contexto internacional. A função jurisdicional merece, finalmente, atenção especial na última parte do capítulo. A pesquisa segue, em sua quinta divisão, à análise das organizações internacionais. A personalidade e a capacidade dos atores da ordem internacional são, então, estudadas e, em uma segunda parte, a importância dos sistemas de solução de controvérsias no exercício de poder por tais estruturas orienta a investigação. Apresenta-se, finalmente, uma nova proposta de classificação para as organizações internacionais no sexto capítulo com base na existência de sistema institucionalizado de solução de litígios. Inaugurando a segunda seção do trabalho, estabelecem-se, no capítulo sétimo, as linhas gerais da relação existente entre as teorizações fragmentárias do direito das gentes e a política para, em seguida, buscar-se, no capítulo oitavo, elementos empíricos que comprovem o que se defende em experiências regionais, das quais o Brasil faz parte. A nona parte do trabalho se dedica à análise de como a teoria geral do estado se aplicaria à compreensão do direito das gentes de forma propositiva e, em seguida, de como a função jurisdicional identificada na ordem mundial poderia servir à preservação da unidade do direito internacional. No décimo e último capítulo, apresentam-se argumentos já de caráter conclusivo que sustentam ser a percepção fragmentada do direito internacional mero retrato estático de um processo evolutivo. / Considering the debate on its legal character overcome, international law is nowadays confronted with perspectives challenging its systemic character. The examination of the nature of concepts used by the fragmentary theories of international law which tend to destabilize its unity was adopted as a theoretical starting point of this study. Politics and law conform concepts that not only interact, but often equal themselves. It is proposed to investigate to what extent traditional legal structures as those of the general theory of the state could contribute to the institutionalization of international law. The work is performed under the deductive-inductive method of research. From the theoretical frameworks established by the general theory of the state and its use on international law and on the fragmentary doctrinal proposals, particular landmarks are settled, which are analyzed in search of more comprehensive and general conclusions about the relationship between politics and law. The work is divided into three distinct parts. In the initial section, the theoretical elements that outline the research are presented. In the first part of the opening chapter the perspective of law as a system is established and the preliminarily assumptions about the relationship between politics and law are presented. Afterwards, the fundamental contents of important concepts for the study are assigned. In the second chapter, the efforts are concentrated in the concepts of state and sovereignty and its importance to the law of nations. In the following section, the application of the theories studied is proposed to the comprehension of international law. At the same third chapter, the theories concerned with the organization of the state are connected to the idea of power. The questions related to the power compose the main issue of the following part of the work, which develops the concept in light of the legislative and judiciary functions to draw, than, parallels with the functions performed by the state internally and internationally. Jurisdiction deserves, finally, special attention in the last part of the chapter. In the fifth chapter, the research is concentrated on the analysis of international organizations. The personality and the capacity of the actors of the international order are then analyzed, and in a second part, the importance of dispute settlement systems in the exercise of power by such structures is researched. Finally, in the sixth chapter, a new classification of international organizations is proposed based on the existence of institutionalized systems of dispute resolution. Opening the second section of the work, the general lines of the relationship between the fragmentary theories of international law and politics are settled in the seventh chapter and then, in the eighth chapter, evidences of the conclusions established are searched in empirical evidences of regional experiences, of which Brazil is part. The ninth part of the work is dedicated to the analysis of how the general theory of the state applies to the understanding of international law and how the judicial function identified in the world order could preserve the unity of international law. In the tenth and final chapter, arguments already of conclusive character sustain that the fragmented perception of international law conforms a mere static picture of an evolutionary process.