La presente investigación busca explorar cómo se relacionan las estrategias de aculturación de los inmigrantes venezolanos en Lima, Perú (n=133), la percepción de ciudadanía y el bienestar subjetivo de los mismos. Además, en este estudio se examina la diferencia en los estilos de aculturación a nivel actitudinal y conductual, así como la discriminación percibida y su relación con las variables mencionadas. Para ello, se administraron cuestionarios para medir los constructos a inmigrantes venezolanos en Lima, tras lo cual se encontró que la estrategia de aculturación más elegida era la de marginalización, lo cual implica que los inmigrantes se encuentran en una posición vulnerable que se relaciona con la alta discriminación percibida y los bajos puntajes en ciudadanía. No obstante, se encontró correspondencia entre los estilos de aculturación actitudinal y conductual además de correlaciones significativas con solo algunas de las dimensiones de discriminación percibida y ciudadanía. / The aim of this study is to explore the relationship between the acculturation strategies in Venezuelan immigrants in Lima, Peru (n=133), perceived citizenship and subjective wellbeing. In addition, in this study the difference between the acculturation strategies on attitudinal and behavioral levels is examined, as well as perceived discrimination and its relation to the mentioned variables. To measure these constructs, questionnaires were administered to Venezuelan immigrants in Lima, with which we found that the preferred acculturation strategy was marginalization, which implies that immigrants are in a vulnerable position related do high perceived discrimination and low scores on citizenship. However, concordance between the attitudinal and behavioral acculturation strategies was found, also only relation between the different acculturation strategies and some dimensions of perceived discrimination and citizenship.

Depuis une dizaine d’années, on s’était habitué à rechercher les sources de résistances à la globalisation néolibérale en-dehors des structures étatiques traditionnelles, jugées dépassées par un processus qui en remettait en question à la fois la nature et la portée. Toutefois, dans un contexte également marqué par l’annonce - certes un peu précipitée - de la « fin des idéologies », voici qu’un pays jusque-là plus ou moins sans histoire se lance dans une « révolution protagoniste et populaire » qui vient remettre en cause la plupart des préjugés contemporains consacrant l’inévitabilité de la globalisation ou encore l’indépassabilité de la démocratie représentative libérale. C’est pourquoi il nous a semblé pertinent de nous pencher sur ce processus bolivarien, à bien des égards inédit, et de chercher à en comprendre les dynamiques particulières au-delà de l’exubérance de son bouillant comandante, qui a tendance, volontairement ou malgré lui, à détourner l’attention des véritables enjeux sociaux, économiques et politiques qui sont soulevés à l’heure actuelle au Venezuela et, plus largement, dans l’ensemble de la région sud-américaine. Ce mémoire porte donc non pas sur des personnes, mais sur un processus, celui de la révolution bolivarienne, et de ses incidences sur un ordre mondial plus que jamais en proie à des bouleversements aux conséquences imprévisibles.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PEDRO SILVA BARROS.pdf: 657577 bytes, checksum: 711e106e80416ef7ce7b508da057f423 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-18 / Based on the concept that Hugo Chávez s government of Venezuela has an economic policy in process and that the Venezuelan economy is markedly rentist, this research discusses the determining factors in the economic and political dynamics of Venezuela during the command of Hugo Chávez. The first chapter discusses the theoretical foundations for the development plan of Venezuela as proposed by Hugo Chávez s government, in particular the concept of Endogenous Development and its practical implications since 2003. First, the evolution of the debate about Latin American development is presented. It begins with the ECLAC s Structuralism theory in the nineteen forties and fifties; passing through the Dependency theory of the sixties and seventies; and, concluding with the discussion of the Endogenous Development concept, conceived during the nineties as a neostructuralist response to the Washington Consensus program. The first chapter also presents Rentist Capitalism and the Dutch Disease as characteristics of the Venezuelan economy. The second chapter discusses the historical importance of oil to the Venezuelan economy and its influence in politics, in particular with respect to the creation of PDVSA, the state-owned petroleum company. It poses the very social and economical history of Venezuela as the basis to the emergence and consolidation of Chavezism, and presents the three basic determining factors that brought Chávez to power: the crisis of the development model, which is not exclusive to Venezuela, but typical of nearly all Latin American economies; the exhaustion of the Rentist Capitalism model; and, the fatigue of the political pact that governed Venezuela for forty years. The third and last chapter is an attempt to comprehend Chávez s economic policy by presenting and discussing four distinct stages of the economic and political plan, from 1999 to present days. At first, the government program is analyzed. Next, the analysis turns to state control by the new administration, by way of the new Bolivarian Constitution of 1999 and the enabling laws of November 2001. The third stage is the government s political inflexion point and the conservative response represented by the oil companies strike. The last stage represents the controlled State, enabled by Chávez s strengthening with the end of the strike and, mainly, his victory in the referendum of 2004 / Com base na concepção de que o governo Hugo Chávez tem uma política econômica em processo e a economia venezuelana é marcadamente rentista, a pesquisa discute os determinantes da dinâmica econômica e política venezuelana no governo de Hugo Chávez. O primeiro capítulo discute as bases teóricas da proposta de desenvolvimento do governo venezuelano de Hugo Chávez, em especial o conceito de desenvolvimento endógeno e seus desdobramentos práticos a partir de 2003. Em um primeiro momento, o capítulo apresenta a evolução da discussão sobre desenvolvimento na América Latina. Inicia-se com a teoria estruturalista da CEPAL dos anos quarenta e cinqüenta, passa pela teoria da dependência dos anos sessenta e setenta e termina por discutir o conceito de desenvolvimento endógeno , concebido nos anos noventa como resposta neo-estruturalista ao programa do Consenso de Washington . Além disso, esse capítulo apresenta o capitalismo rentista e a doença holandesa como características da economia venezuelana. O segundo capítulo discute a importância histórica do petróleo para a economia venezuelana e sua influência na vida política do país, principalmente após a criação da companhia estatal de petróleo, a PDVSA. O capítulo tenta mostrar que a construção histórica e econômica da sociedade venezuelana foi fundamental para o surgimento e consolidação do chavismo. O capítulo apresenta o que consideramos os três determinantes básicos que levaram Chávez ao poder: além da crise do modelo de desenvolvimento, que não é exclusivo da Venezuela, mas é uma característica de quase todas as economias latino-americanas, o esgotamento do modelo de capitalismo rentístico e do pacto político que governou a Venezuela por quarenta anos. Por fim, o terceiro capítulo é uma tentativa de entender a política econômica chavista com base na apresentação e discussão de seu projeto político-econômico em quatro momentos distintos, de 1999 até os dias de hoje. No primeiro momento, é analisado o programa de governo. Em seguida, o controle do Estado pelo novo governo, por meio da nova constituição de 1999 e das leis habilitantes. O terceiro é o momento de inflexão política do governo e resposta conservadora marcada pela greve patronal-petroleira. O quarto momento se caracteriza pelo Estado controlado, a partir do fortalecimento revogatório de Chávez depois do término da greve e, principalmente, pela vitória no referendo de 2004

Orientador: Luis Fernando Ayerbe / Banca: Héctor Luis Saint-Pierre / Banca: Samuel Alves Soares / Banca: Rafael Duarte Villa / Banca: Marília Carolina Barbosa Souza Pimenta / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: Desde a sua gênese enquanto Estado-Nação, a Venezuela se depara com uma en-cruzilhada em termos de inserção externa: apostar no bolivarianismo ou aderir à he-gemonia. No início do século XX, a descoberta daquele que viria a ser seu principal produto de exportação, o petróleo, adicionou um elemento estruturante significativo e com consequências diretas na forma com que o país passou a se situar na arena internacional. Desde então, consolidou-se a parceria econômica e política com a po-tência hegemônica: os Estados Unidos da América (EUA). A ascensão de Hugo Chávez Frías ao poder, em 1999, representou o início de um novo ciclo político, marcado por uma intensa polarização política. Ademais, foi o primeiro governo lati-no-americano de uma safra de líderes que foram eleitos com um discurso bolivaria-no, anti-neoliberal e antiestadunidense. Assim, as relações bilaterais com os Esta-dos Unidos passaram por um espiral de tensões crescentes durante o chavismo, especialmente após evidências de ingerência norte-americana sob o governo de George W. Bush, baseado em uma política exterior venezuelana de revisionismo periférico antagônico. Contudo, no campo econômico e comercial, a tônica das rela-ções bilaterais foi o pragmatismo. Observou-se uma postura contraditória por parte da Venezuela chavista, em que politicamente recorria a discursos e gestos de afron-ta, mas economicamente manteve a dependência comercial com os EUA. Defende-mos que a inimizade entre esses dois países beneficiou o... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Venezuela's inception as Nation-State faces a paradigm in foreign affairs: to incorpo-rate Bolivarianism or adhere to hegemony. In the beginning of the 20th century, the discovery of petroleum as the country's main product for exports added a structurally significant element with direct consequences in the country's insertion in the interna-tional arena. Since then, economic and political economy with hegemonic power - the United States (US) - has been consolidated. Hugo Chávez Frías' commander-in-chief from 1999 on represented the beginning of a new and intense polarized cycle. Furthermore, that was the first of sequential Latin-American commanders-in-chief elected with a bolivarianist discourse, either anti-neo-liberal and anti-US. Therefore, bilateral relations with the US under chavism have been increasingly tenuous, espe-cially after evidence of US ingerence under George W. Bush's government. Vene-zuelan external policy was based on antagonist and peripherical revisionism. How-ever, at the economic and commercial areas pragmatism was the tone of bilateral relations. A contradictory stance in which politically Venezuela had confrontational narrative and actions, but economically kept dependent on the US, was observed. We argue that hostility between Venezuela and the United States benefited Vene-zuelan politics and were worthwhile for both countries. Venezuelan-US relations ex-pressing the dispute between both paradigms of international insertion - Bolivarian-ism and adhe... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Resumen: Desde su génesis mientras Estado-Nación, Venezuela se encuentra en una encruci-jada en términos de inserción externa: apostar en el bolivarianismo o adherirse a la hegemonía. A principios del siglo XX, el descubrimiento de aquel que vendría a ser su principal producto de exportación, el petróleo, añadió un elemento estructurante significativo y con consecuencias directas en la forma con que el país pasó a situar-se en la arena internacional. Desde entonces, se ha consolidado la asociación eco-nómica y política con la potencia hegemónica: los Estados Unidos de América. La llegada de Hugo Chávez Frías al poder, en 1999, representó el inicio de un nuevo ciclo político, marcado por una intensa polarización política. Además, fue el primer gobierno latinoamericano que fueron elegidos con un discurso bolivariano, anti-neoliberal y antiestadounidense. Así, las relaciones bilaterales con Estados Unidos pasaron por un espiral de tensiones crecientes durante el chavismo, especialmente tras evidencias de injerencia norteamericana bajo el gobierno de George W. Bush, basado en una política exterior venezolana de revisionismo periférico antagónico. Sin embargo, en el campo económico y comercial, la tónica de las relaciones bilate-rales fue el pragmatismo. Se observó una postura contradictoria por parte de Vene-zuela chavista, en que políticamente recurría a discursos y gestos de hostilidad, pero económicamente mantuvo la dependencia comercial con Estados Unidos. Defende-mos que la enemistad... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Doutor

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:28:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-12-07Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:17:55Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 lopes_mo_me_mar.pdf: 698926 bytes, checksum: a8b72767e27f5caa0737e5cd8661d9d1 (MD5) / Esta dissertação busca analisar o imperialismo na Venezuela durante o governo Chávez. Para isso é importante que se entenda a lógica do imperialismo em nível mundial, procurando entender o lugar ocupado pela Venezuela neste processo de acumulação capitalista. Neste sentido a Venezuela está ligada ao petróleo e às empresas monopolistas que no início do século XX entraram no país para explorar a riqueza nacional e a partir deste período o país passa a ser caracterizado por uma economia rentista e importadora de bens manufaturados. Os governos que se seguem buscam uma conciliação entre os interesses nacionais da renda petroleira e os interesses do capital internacional ligado ao petróleo. Busca-se, portanto, entender quais as reais mudanças em relação ao capital internacional imperialista ligado ao petróleo, que o governo Chávez, eleito em 1998, realizou no país. Para realizar esta pesquisa analisamos as diversas políticas implementadas na Nova Constituição e nas Leis Habilitantes, que geraram conflitos entre o governo bolivariano e os EUA. Buscamos entender que frações de classe são beneficiadas no interior do “bloco no poder” durante este período demonstrando os conflitos intraclasse. Com esta pesquisa pretendemos contribuir para uma análise crítica da atual conjuntura venezuelana demonstrando as mudanças durante a chamada “revolução bolivariana”. Com isso demonstrar em que medida o governo Chávez abre espaço de organização e conscientização para as classes trabalhadoras rumo a uma transição socialista / This research seeks to examine imperialism in Venezuela during the Chavez administration. For this it is important to understand the logic of imperialism the world, seeking to understand the place occupied by Venezuela in this process of capitalist accumulation. In this sense Venezuela is linked to oil companies and the monopoly that the beginning of the twentieth century came in the country to explore the national wealth and from this period the country will be characterized by an economy of unearned income and importing manufactured goods. Governments which follow seek a balance between the interests of national oil income and the interests of international capital linked to oil. Search, therefore, understand that the real changes in the international capital imperialist linked to oil, which the Chávez government, elected in 1998, held in the country. To conduct this research we analyze the various policies implemented in the New Constitution and the enabling laws, which created conflict between the Bolivarian government and the U.S.. We understand that fractions of a class are benefited in the block in power during this period showing the intraclass conflicts. With this research we intend to contribute to a critical analysis of the current Venezuelan situation showing changes during the Bolivarian revolution. With that demonstrate the extent to which the Chavez government opens up the organization and awareness for the working classes towards a socialist transition

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:20:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcos Wilian da Silva.pdf: 540264 bytes, checksum: eacb776b2f8e5d7d2f5e82fbae284d95 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-07 / In the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, from the rise of Hugo Chávez's government in 1999, there was a significant change in the state structures. The institutional refoundation occurs as a result of a profound social inequality, reflected by the oil crisis in the late eighties, and the impact caused by neoliberal measures adopted by the last government administrations signatory of the Punto Fijo Pact. First of all, to legitimaze the political ideal, Chavez helds a referendum that authorized the convocation of a Constituent Assembly, which resulted in the promulgation of the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. It is a legal instrument of juridical, economic, social and political organization, focused mainly on social rights seeking the realization of a justest and more egalitarian society. Starting from the Venezuela's institutional historical context, the research aims to verify a possible democracy model formally established in the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic, through a study of Democracy Models classified and described by the British political scientist David Held. / Na República Bolivariana da Venezuela, a partir da ascensão do governo Hugo Chávez, em 1999, ocorre uma expressiva mudança nas estruturas do Estado. A refundação institucional se dá em decorrência da profunda desigualdade social, refletida pela crise do petróleo no final da década de oitenta, e do impacto causado pelas medidas neoliberais adotadas pelas últimas gestões governamentais signatárias do Pacto de Punto Fijo. Para a legitimação do ideal político, Chávez, de início, realiza um referendo popular que autorizou a convocação de uma Assembleia Constituinte, cujo resultado foi a promulgação da Constituição da República Bolivariana da Venezuela. Trata-se de um instrumento jurídico de organização política, jurídica, econômica e social, focado principalmente nos direitos sociais e na busca da efetivação de uma sociedade mais justa e igualitária. A partir da contextualização histórica institucional da Venezuela, a pesquisa busca verificar um possível modelo de democracia estabelecido formalmente na Constituição da República Bolivariana, por meio de um estudo dos Modelos de Democracia classificados e descritos pelo cientista político britânico David Held.

The study uses subsidence analysis of three deep wells to basement combined with sequence stratigraphic mapping to show that a 85,000 km² area of the Eastern Venezuelan foreland basin in the region of the Orinoco Delta underwent three main stages of foreland-related subsidence that followed a protracted Cretaceous - late Oligocene period of precollisional, passive margin formation. Phase 1 consists of increased foreland basin subsidence in the late Oligocene to middle Miocene (23 - 13 Ma) at average sedimentation rates of 0.14 mm/yr. Clastic rocks of Phase 1 include the Freites Formation, a 1.2 km-thick section of greenish-gray fissile shale and shaly sandstone deposited in shallow marine- neritic environments. Seismic facies show progradation of Phase 1 clastic rocks as a wedge from the NE and NNE. Clastic rocks deposited during the accelerated Phase 2 in the middle to late Miocene (13 -11 Ma at sedimentation rates of 1.45 mm/yr) include the La Pica Formation, a 2.7 km-thick section of gray silt and fine-grained sandstone deposited in shallow marine/coastal proximal environments. Seismic facies show progradation of Phase 2 clastic rocks as a wedge to the northeast. Phase 3 consists of decelerating foreland basin subsidence in the period of late Miocene-mid Pliocene (11-6 Ma at average sedimentation rates of 0.86 mm/yr). Sedimentary rocks deposited during this period include the Las Piedras Formation, a 1.45 km-thick section of sandstone, carbonaceous siltstone and shale deposited in deltaic environments. Seismic facies show a progradation of Phase 3 clastic rocks as a wedge to the northeast and east-northeast. Deeper marine environments and more rapid subsidence rates of Phases 1 and 2 are interpreted as an underfilled foreland basin controlled by active thrusting along the Serrania del Interior at the northern flank of the basin. Deltaic environments and slower rates of Phase 3 are interpreted as an overfilled foreland related to rapid seaward progradation of the Orinoco Delta and its filling of the former, dynamically- maintained interior seaway. Paleogeographic maps constrained by wells and seismic lines show a large regression of the Orinoco River towards the west across the Columbus basin and Eastern Venezuelan basin during the late Miocene and the Paleocene. In this foreland basin setting, the effects of thrust-related tectonic subsidence and early deposition of the Orinoco Delta play a larger role in the early Miocene-Pleistocene sequences than eustatic effects. / text

The main purpose of this investigation was to analyze both quantitatively and qualitatively reader's oral reading miscues and the retellings of Venezuelan fourth graders in five Venezuelan dialect regions. The major question to be answered was: In what ways do Venezuelan children who speak variations of Spanish use their syntactic, semantic, graphophonic and pragmatic systems and their reading strategies (sampling, predicting, confirming, and correcting) in their process of meaning construction during oral reading? The answer to the major research question reveals that informants from the highlands: Merida and Trujillo are more proficient readers in their meaning construction. In the group of informants from the lowlands the percentages show that at least half of the subjects are similar to the most proficient readers from the highlands. The findings are supportive of a definition of reading as meaning construction. They were able to retell the events in an ordered sequence and to name and develop most of the characters in the story. There were no major dialect features differences between the five Venezuelan regions' informants. Most of the dialect features that children displayed in the oral reading were also present in reader's oral retellings. Among these groups of informants, their dialect can be considered as an unrelated factor to their reading proficiency.

This dissertation explores the impact of multiculturalism on the relationship between ethno-racial social movements and the Venezuelan State. It assesses movements´s capacity to achieve recognition and redistribution within a State embracing anti-neoliberal multicultural discourses and policies.I conducted a comparative ethnographic study of two ethno-racial movements in northwestern Venezuela - the Ayamán-turero indigenous organization located in Lara state and the Afrodescendant movement in Yaracuy state. In order to explain the contemporary variations of these movements´s strategic capacities, I proposed the concept of mobilizing habitii - which I defined as the multilayered dispositions, practices, perceptions, and values orienting social mobilization. I argue that the mobilizing habitii of social organizations can be explored by examining their collective actions frames, strategic actions, and habitual practices. Historical evidence suggests that Ayamán mobilizing habitii have been characterized by strategies of avoidance, while Afroyaracuyan mobilizing dispositions have been shaped by their direct engagement with the State.My comparative research also suggests that Afroyaracuyan people from Veroes have managed to engage in successful territorial struggles, involving effective land redistribution. In contrast, Ayamán people have focused their efforts on reproducing State cultural performances and local ritual practices. However access to material resources, still remains limited for this indigenous population, and almost impossible to achieve through ethno-racial forms of mobilization.My comparative endeavor also shows how the Venezuela multicultural project represents a significant rupture with other Latin American neoliberal multicultural projects. Since 2006, the Venezuelan State has been indigenized, by representing indigenous peoples as the "seeds" and "holders" of the socialist project. The State has institutionalized some indigenous organizations by controlling their resources and by politicizing some leaders. Paradoxically, afrodescendant peoples have remained at the legal margins of this process, facing the ideological barriers of the myths of racial democracy and mestizaje.My conclusions suggest, that ethnic recognition in Bolivarian Venezuela ensures limited redistribution of material resources, while it simultaneously re-essentializes ethno-racial categories and produces new subjectivities. In other words, ethno-racial mobilization is limited for achieving substantial material resources, even in States which are implementing anti-neoliberal multicultural policies.