Neste estudo, temos por proposta observar o debate político eleitoral, de modo a caracterizá-lo como um evento polêmico em que as opiniões não configuram o objeto principal do discurso dos interlocutores. Acreditamos que os participantes de tal gênero discursivo utilizam manobras argumentativas, que constituem falácias, como uma estratégia; entretanto, tal prática pode acarretar consequências ou efeitos diferentes daquelas tradicionalmente decorrentes de tal manobra. Como fundamentação teórica, aplicamos os conceitos da Teoria Pragmadialética da Argumentação (van Eemeren e Grootendorst: 1984, 1992, 2004), de certa forma conectada à Dialética, mas que apresenta diferenças importantes, principalmente por meio da dicotomia entre os termos Formal e Pragma (derivada de Pragmática). Os elementos pragmáticos que esse termo pressupõe referem-se à Teoria dos Atos de Fala e à Análise do discurso, inspiradas pelas descobertas dos filósofos que analisam a linguagem do cotidiano. Tratamos do emprego da falácia como uma espécie de inobservância às Regras de Discussão Crítica - regras que fazem referência a um comportamento, ou ação, pelo qual os interlocutores são responsáveis. Cada tipo de falácia pode ocorrer em um determinado estágio de discussão crítica, a qual corresponde a um modelo que apresenta estágios distintos, analiticamente, no processo de solucionar uma discussão, e cada violação às regras da discussão crítica pode tornar a resolução da diferença de opinião mais difícil ou mesmo impossível, configurando-se uma falácia. Tais violações são realizadas por meio de atos de fala dos tipos assertivo, comissivo, diretivo, declarativo ou declarativo de uso. A metodologia a ser utilizada constitui-se da observação das unidades de análise (os turnos de fala dos participantes), de modo a classificar a ocorrência das falácias. O corpus selecionado refere-se a debates políticos eleitorais exibidos pela mídia televisiva, no ano de 2008, referentes às eleições à prefeitura da cidade São Paulo-SP. / This paper deals with political debate, in order to analyze if the opinions are truly the aim of this kind of discourse and some of the strategic arguments, that can be understand as fallacies, would be find. At the Pragma-dialectical approach of argumentation (van Eemeren e Grootendorst: 1984, 1992, 2004) the concept of fallacies could be better understood as one impediment to the resolution of a disagreement. The theory proposes ten rules for the conduct of an ideal model of a critical discussion. A fallacy is a violation of one of the ten rules. Generically, such fallacies are moves which disrupt or derail the process of rationally resolving an expressed difference of opinion. A fallacy can happen in the various stages of a critical discussion by the performance of speech acts: comissives, directives, expressive and declaratives. The methodology is the observation of the speech acts of the participants on a debate in order to verify the fallacies that can occur. Political debates from 2008, for the mayor of Sao Paulo election is the corpus selected.

Esta pesquisa investiga o relacionamento entre as políticas públicas de imigração e o debate midiático sobre o tema, a fim de reconhecer os possíveis elos entre o debate público e o debate político em democracias modernas. O objetivo é verificar como se dá o processo de formação de políticas públicas através dos discursos apresentados por países envolvidos em organizações de integração regional. A pesquisa buscar apontar atores, instituições e temas mais relevantes para a definição das políticas de imigração através da análise de políticas públicas de imigração criadas na Alemanha, Áustria, Suíça e na União Europeia após 1999 e da análise do debate midiático em jornais da Alemanha e da Áustria em 1999 e 2009. As discussões indicam que os debates públicos e político e o debate midiático se encontram interligados nos países estudados e o debate midiático pode ser compreendido como um espaço de discussão com possibilidades de alimentar as discussões políticas. A pesquisa também aponta que as políticas públicas de imigração abrigam tendências para a cooperação internacional e para ações unilaterais. Da mesma forma, evidencia-se que a questão da imigração se localiza no ponto de encontro entre questões de segurança nacional e direitos humanos nos debates políticos contemporâneos. / This research investigates the relationship between migration public policies and the media debate over the issue of migration, aiming on recognizing connections between the public and political debate in modern democracies. Its main objective is to examine the construction process of public policies through the discourses presented by countries immersed in regional integration organizations. The research searches for the most relevant actors, institutions and themes in the definition of public policies by means of analyzing migration public policies in Austria, Germany, Switzerland and at the European Union from 1999 on and examining the media debate in newspapers in Germany and Austria in 1999 and 2009. The discussion indicates that public and political debates are intertwined with media debate and that it can be further understood as a forum for discussion with great chances of providing arguments for political discussions. It further points out that migration public policy shelters both tendencies for international cooperation and unilateral actions by countries. Likewise, it evinces that migration is found at a focal point between concerns about national security and human rights in the contemporary political debate.

[pt] A presente dissertação buscou investigar o pensamento democrático da Teoria da Opinião de Nadia Urbinati no âmbito da democracia representativa, e os desdobramentos em como uma opinião é formada ao ser fruto do debate entre ideias. Nesse sentido, o teorizado por Ernst Cassirer sobre a linguagem e seus símbolos contribui para a reflexão sobre como formamos pensamentos e nos comunicamos, e a multiplicidade de mundos teorizada por Nelson Goodman em como, em uma sociedade plural, mundos são criados e convivem entre si com suas verdades. Para finalizar, refletindo sobre uma forma de agir mais democrática, John Dewey observa a democracia como uma forma de vida e teorizou sobre a democracia vivida em cooperação na sociedade, com o foco do discurso partindo de experiências ao invés do foco individual, de modo que exige uma disposição em conviver e se comunicar de forma real com o outro em busca de acordos possíveis, em um contínuo fluxo democrático. Refletindo sobre o ideal de Goodman de que a disposição em reconhecer mundos alternativos pode ser libertadora e sugerir caminhos alternativos e novos, mas o acolhimento de todos os mundos não constrói nenhum mundo, ganha especial desdobramento a consideração dos aspectos da construção, ou melhor, da manutenção de um governo realmente democrático e na necessidade de tomadas de decisão por meios legítimos resultado de uma representação democrática, dentro de um sistema estruturado para o debate e sua pluralidade livre. As meditações entre essas teorias como caminhos para pensar uma experiência realmente democrática. / [en] This thesis sought to investigate the democratic thinking of Nadia Urbinati s Theory of Opinion within the scope of representative democracy, and the developments in how an opinion is formed as a result of the debate between ideas. In this sense, the theorized by Ernst Cassirer about language and its symbols contributes to the reflection on how we form thoughts and communicate, and the multiplicity of worlds theorized by Nelson Goodman in how, in a plural society, worlds are created and coexist with each other with their truths. In the final part, reflecting on a more democratic way of acting, John Dewey observes democracy as a way of life and theorized about democracy lived in cooperation in society, with the focus of the discourse starting from experiences rather than the individual focus, so that it requires a willingness to live and communicate in a real way with others in search of possible agreements, in a continuous democratic flow. Reflecting on Goodman s ideal that the willingness to recognize alternative worlds can be liberating and can suggest alternative and new paths, but the acceptance of all worlds does not build any world, the consideration on aspects of construction, or rather, of maintenance of a truly democratic government and the need for decision-making through legitimate means resulting from democratic representation, within a structured system for debate and its free plurality. Meditations between thesee theories as ways to think about a truly democratic experience.

In this thesis I examine the debate surrounding Therapeutic Touch, a controversial energetic healing modality being practiced by registered nurses in biomedical institutions across North America. The debate surrounding the therapy takes place within medical journals, popular media articles, and on the internet. Within the debate, definitions of illness etiology, appropriate treatment, patient management, and alternative therapy use are contested by Therapeutic Touch proponents and critics. Through discursive analysis, interviews with local participants in the debate, and participant observation within the TT community, I present an analysis of the issues being contested and of the discursive strategies used by proponents and critics within the debate. The debate is contextualized in two ways: first, as an instance of medical heresy, in which an alternative healing group arises within the orthodox medical community and struggles to maintain itself within biomedical discourse and institutions; second, I contextualize the debate as an example of the wider trend towards integrative medicine in North America. Integrative medicine sees alternative therapies being increasingly used within health care delivery systems, either by alternative practitioners, or by biomedical practitioners who have co-opted alternative techniques. I argue that Therapeutic Touch proponents have utilized several discursive strategies in presenting and arguing for their alternative healing model. These strategies surround the issues of professional legitimacy, scientific validity, and TT’s perception as religious or spiritual. Therapeutic Touch proponents manage their discourse by conforming it to orthodox biomedical discourse and by pursuing a strategy of professionalization. Through this management process, they have been able to maintain a marginal presence within biomedicine. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

The dissertation explores the field of information policy in a historic setting in Sweden, namely the early 1970s. At the time the question of privacy in relation to databanks, data systems and personal records was intensively discussed in all public media, starting in the fall of 1970 when a large-scale population census was carried out in Sweden. The political discussions and public debate resulted in the first Swedish data protection law, Datalag (1973:289), and was counted as one of the first of this type of national legislation in the world. The focus of the empirical study lies in the analysis of the lines of arguments, political reasoning and debates concerning privacy, data protection, information and technology in documents such as official reports, committee reports, proposals and parliamentary records and publications that were produced in the policy process preceding the new legislation. The public debate itself is investigated through the editorials and reports in the daily press of the time. A combination of discourse analysis and agenda-setting theory, as it is presented and used by the political scientist John W Kingdon, constitutes the theoretical framework of the thesis. The study is introduced with a discussion concerning discourse and language use in politics, and here Norman Faircloughs CDA, Critical Discourse Analysis, has been the main inspiration. Kingdon’s agendasetting model contributes with an interesting theoretical perspective on the social and political context of the discourses under study. The research questions also draw upon library and information science and theoretical work within the area of information policy, with issues concerning notions of information and technology, for example information as a public good versus private good in the market, and information as a free or restricted/protected resource. The main findings of the study imply that the political discussion and debate on databanks and privacy were heavily influenced by a public-oriented discourse focusing mainly on governmental authorities’ own use of information systems holding personal data. The new legislation, datalag (1973:289) could also be seen as a tool that sanctions governmental authorities’ extensive use and dependence on new data technologies and automatic data-processing in building up the welfare state and the growing public sector. The discourse was also based on a mixed notion of the new technology, perceiving data technology mainly as the “big machine” which contains a vast amount of personal information. This, at a time when the technology itself was transforming rapidly from bulky machines to personal computers. The practical effects of this discourse could be seen, for example, in the serious underestimation of the overall use of automatic data-processing in society as a whole, the use of which the legislation was set to regulate. When it comes to agenda-setting the public debate together with the activities of different actors in parliament had a major influence on the outcome of the work of the commission of inquiry that was set up. The public debate affected how the problem area of databanks and privacy was considered, but the commission formulated the actual legislation independently, without interference or adjustments by the social democratic government. / <p>Akademisk avhandling som med tillstånd av samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten vid Göteborgs universitet för vinnande av doktorsexamen framläggs till offentlig granskning kl. 13.15 fredagen den</p><p>11 september 2009 i hörsalen C204, Högskolan i Borås, Allégatan 1 Institutionen Biblioteks- och Informationsvetenskap/Bibliotekshögskolan, Högskolan i Borås och Göteborgs universitet</p>

In 2003 the German constitutional court passed a law that made it possible for federal states in Germany to ban the headscarf for teachers in school which led several of them to do just that. After an indictment of two Muslim women the constitutional court repealed this law and allowed teachers to wear a headscarf in school 2015. This essay takes its starting point in the medial debate that resulted from this court decision. The aim of this study was to examine this debate with a starting point in the general statements and against the background of parts of Casanovas theory of deprivatization and parts of Habermas theories of religion in the public sphere. The first research question asks about central themes in the debate, the used arguments and how they differ between the laws supporter and opponents. The second research question addresses the issue of which role the debaters assign religion in the state. The third question is about how the statements can be better understood by relating them to parts of the theoretical concepts used for this study. This essay investigates these research questions by applying the method of content analysis on eleven debate articles of four major German newspapers. Through the interaction of theories and material the three central themes relation between religion and state, liberalism and freedom of religion could be identified. Some arguments on these themes which were common include the classification of religion as something negative or positive in the public sphere, the denial of religious individuals to meet liberal requirements and the requirement of equality which is guaranteed by freedom of religion. While this study shows that the debaters share some common views on the themes, there are clear differences between the laws supporter and opponents. Furthermore, this study concludes that while the laws supporter assign religion a role in the public sphere, the laws opponents assign religion to the private sphere even if some of them preferably would like to only assign Islam to the private sphere. Through contemplation of the results by using the chosen theories the understanding of them could be increased.

This report seeks to examine the literature related to written corrective feedback in second/foreign language classrooms in order to inform the most effective pedagogical practices related to this topic. I begin with an article by Truscott which would set the tone for the academic debate on whether or not to provide written corrective feedback in L2 classrooms. In his 1996 article Truscott claims that written corrective feedback a) is not helpful, b) is harmful, and c) should be eliminated entirely. Chapter 1 covers this debate, referred to as the Truscott Debate, reviewing the many articles that directly answer the challenge laid down by Truscott (1996). Following a review of this academic debate, I examine the literature that investigates the specific providers of feedback (teachers or peer feedback), the types of feedback (direct or indirect) and the degree of focus related to those feedback options. Chapter 4 reviews other factors that can also affect the efficacy of written corrective feedback, such as student motivation, learner levels, and oral feedback in conjunction with written feedback and online feedback. Chapter 5 puts forth particular circumstances in which each type of feedback can be efficacious, offering a guide for the provision of feedback in a variety of circumstances. / text

The central figure in this thesis is Robert Jameson (1774-1854), geologist, mineralogist and Professor of Natural History at the University of Edinburgh. Jameson's geological work is examined in relation to the social and intellectual interests of contemporary civil society, and in particular, in terms of the debates in Edinburgh between Huttonians and Wernerians (of which group Jameson was one) concerning the nature of geological evidence and of theory in geological explanation. This thesis is also concerned to bring into sharper focus the state of, and public interest in, the earth sciences in Scotland in the first two decades of the nineteenth century. In this regard, analysis centres upon the conceptual basis and scientific methods behind Jameson's work and upon the making of natural knowledge as a situated intellectual and social concern. The thesis has eight chapters. Following an introduction and literature review they are, respectively, concerned with showing that in societies, teaching, museology, fieldwork, laboratories and through publications, Jameson's scientific 'methodology' conformed in large part to the Baconian taxonomic and descriptive elements of Wernerianism. This thesis also suggests that scholars have hitherto misrepresented and overplayed the 'theoretical' nature of Jameson's work, and in so doing, have only characterised the debate between Huttonians and Wemerians as a conflict between rival theories. In re-examining the several activities and the conduct of Huttonians and Wernerians (in this case Jameson) in a variety of settings, a rather different understanding of the nature of debate is here advanced. Specifically, it is shown that rivalry between Huttonians and Wernerians in the sites stated above might be better understood not in terms of two opposing theories, but, rather, as a rivalry between a vigorously held theory on the one hand (proponents of Huttonianism) and, on the other, a conviction about the prematurity of theory and importance of a Baconian empirical approach. The thesis also suggests that understanding the intellectual contexts to such geological enquiry depends importantly upon knowing something of the social and civic nature of scientific 'ownership', institutional authority, personal reputation and the proprietorial control of local scientific knowledge.

This thesis is about immigration discourses among the political elite in Sweden. The focus of interest has been to establish if the racist and assimilationist discourses of the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna, SD) has been influential on the political party elite, and more specifically on whom, and how. Parliamentary debates and opinion pieces written by party elites has been the basis of material for the enquiry, covering the time period 2006 – July 2016. As SD had their political breakthrough in 2010, it is assumed that, provided that they have been influential on the immigration discourses of the mainstream political elite, new elements in the elite discourse mirroring the discourses of SD should emerge after 2010. The results show that some of the assimilationist ideas and negative discourses on immigration pre-existed the breakthrough of SD. The elite of the political mainstream articulated a strong resistance towards SD’s discourses during their first election cycle. However, more negative discourses bordering those of SD emerged in tandem to the so called refugee crisis in late 2015. The crisis can thus be understood as a catalyst breaking some of the taboos regarding negative immigration discourses. At the same time, although assimilationist discourses emerged among other elites than SD, they where always presented in much milder forms than SD’s discourses, who remain radically different from the other parties. These assimilationist ideas and discourses where mainly adopted by the right wing parties the Moderates (Moderaterna, M) and the Christian Democrats (Kristdemokraterna, KD), as well as the Liberal party (Liberalerna, L). I conclude that the adjustments in discourse to that of SD is less than expected, perhaphs as a result of the cordon sanitaire.

This thesis examines the evolution of public land law during the early 1930s. It focuses specifically on the development of a federal grazing policy on the remaining public domain located in the eleven western states. This period of intense intellectual conflict, concerning the relationship between private enterprise and the federal government, was a pivotal moment in the history of land law. To explain the profound shift from the entrenched states' rights attitudes of the 1920s to the acceptance of federal control inaugurated by the Taylor Grazing Act in 1934, this thesis explores the emergence of a powerful profederal contingent from 1929 to 1934. Led by Utah politicians, businessmen, and academicians, this profederal group of westerners, USDA officials, and conservationists ultimately defeated the movement to cede the remaining public domain to the states. A series of public-policy-making events, including the Hoover Committee, the National Conference on Land Utilization, and the hearings of the House Committee on Public Lands and the Senate Committee on Public Lands and Surveys, provided these pro-federal advocates with the opportunity to consolidate their efforts and solidify their arguments. Pro-federal proponents used the Hoover Committee to establish valuable communication links and raise a nascent voice against states' rights. The next year, during the National Conference on Land Utilization, this group promulgated the first nationally recognized plan for federal ownership of the public domain. Finally, the persuasive testimony of pro-federal witnesses before the House and Senate public lands committees divided the states' rights supporters into bitter factions and subsequently convinced the legislators to reject the bills favoring state control. By early 1934 these events had molded a formerly disconnected group of individuals into a synergistic force that ultimately afforded Don Colton and Edward Taylor with the momentum to pass the Taylor Grazing Act. Previously scholars have neglected the critical prelude to the Taylor Grazing Act. This thesis attempts to contribute an important piece to the historiographical puzzle of public land law.