The background to this study lies in the discrepancy between the special economic and foreign-political importance of the EU for New Zealand and New Zealand’s low foreignpolitical interaction and visibility in the 12 new EU Member States. This explorative study is the first of its kind to investigate from New Zealand’s viewpoint whether any potential connection points or areas of common interest may exist between New Zealand and Hungary as one of the new EU Member States which might foster directly or indirectly New Zealand’s national interests in the European Union (EU). Owing to the broad nature of such an inquiry, the study encompasses the political, diplomatic, commercial, scientific, and cultural interactions of the two countries from the 1970s until 2007. The theoretical framework of the study builds on Small State Theory, its limitations for the special setting of the thesis topic, however, suggested a necessity to incorporate the Theory on the Role of Ethnic Networks in International Trade. The explorative nature of the research topic required a qualitative research design, based on interviews, questionnaires, and case studies in New Zealand and Hungary in the years 2005 and 2007. Research results were compared with macro-level statistics and official analyses where available to support and enhance analytic validity. The thesis concludes that a solely trade focused foreign policy would not bring the advantages desired by New Zealand. Instead, the research suggests various alternative areas and ways to serve cost effectively New Zealand’s foreign political goals not just in Hungary but also in the Central and Eastern European region in general.

ABSTRACT: The aim of this essay is to analyze whether the development of the Principles of War in small states´ doctrine has been influenced by the doctrinal development of alliances after the start of an international cooperation. The author suggests that the development of the Principles of War can be understood through theories of doctrinal development. The theory used for this analysis states that small states depend on alliances, such as NATO, and therefore adapt their doctrine to better match the doctrine of the alliance. Since the Principles of War are the foundation of doctrine, such an adaption should lead to an adaption of the Principles of War as well. The analysis will be made using Swedish Army field manuals as a basis. These will be compared to NATO´s, in order to see whether or not Sweden has adapted its Principles of War following its membership of the Partnership for Peace. The results show that today the Swedish Principles of War are more similar to NATO´s than they were in 1982, which suggests that they have been adapted to better match those used by NATO. Although this essay does not analyze the reasons why, the results imply that theories of doctrinal development also include the development of principles of war. Analysis of the reasons why could be used as a basis for further research. / SAMMANFATTNING: Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera huruvida utvecklingen av krigföringens principer i småstaters doktriner har influerats av den doktrinära utvecklingen i allianser efter ett påbörjat internationellt samarbete.   Författaren föreslår att utvecklingen av krigföringens principer kan förstås genom teorier avseende doktrinutveckling. Teorin som används för uppsatsens analys anger att små stater är beroende av allianser med exempelvis NATO, och därför måste anpassa sina doktriner så att de bättre matchar alliansens doktriner. Eftersom krigföringsprinciperna är en stor del av doktriner, bör en sådan doktrinanpassning leda till en anpassning av krigföringens principer också.   Analysen kommer att göras utifrån svenska arméreglementen, vilka kommer att jämföras med NATOs, för att undersöka huruvida Sverige har anpassat sina krigföringsprinciper till att bättre matcha NATOs efter dess medlemskap i Partnership for Peace.   Resultaten visar att de svenska krigföringsprinciperna är mer lika NATOs idag än vad de var 1982, vilket tyder på att de har anpassats för att bättre matcha de som används av Nato. Även då denna uppsats inte analyserar orsakerna till varför, så indikerar resultaten att teorier om doktrinutveckling även omfattar utvecklingen av krigföringens principer. Analys av anledningar till varför skulle kunna användas som en grund för vidare forskning.

abstract: This dissertation seeks to theorize small state strategic culture with special reference to the attitude of the ASEAN states toward institutionalizing regional cooperative security architectures. The quantitative case studies show that in small states where historically rooted strategic preferences may be limited, material influences and situational considerations take precedence over ideational factors in the making of the state's strategic culture. Second, the content of small state strategic culture focuses primarily on foreign and security policy issues that originate in their neighborhood. Lastly, Small states' threat perceptions from the neighborhood over time dictate the formation of strategic culture (provocative vs. cooperative). The qualitative case studies demonstrate that small Southeast Asian states (Singapore, Thailand, and Malaysia) exhibit a higher tendency for conflict. Multilateral cooperation is at best selective. Bilateral means is still the preferred policy approach when dealing with other states. This dissertation concludes with a pessimistic remark on the prospects for the development and maturation of the ASEAN Political-Security Community. At its current stage, the APSC appears to be a policy instrument created only to reinforce ASEAN's centrality in charting the region's security architecture. This is no small accomplishment in itself nonetheless. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Political Science 2011

Scholars find that compellence and coercion tend to fail even when done by strong states against weaker states. Research suggests that such failure primarily rests with the initiator and that the target is successful. Does this mean that the weaker states have found the means to withstand threats? This study investigates compellence from the view of the target of such threats. In this study, we investigate resistance to compellence and their outcome by testing factors resting in both the initiator of threats and the target. We find that compellence does indeed tend to fail but so do attempts at resisting such threats. Furthermore, the study finds that the outcome of compellent threats is not dependent on the investigated factors in the initiator and the target. The study also proposes that the most common outcome of compellent threat situations is one where both parties fail to reach their preferred outcome.

In recent times we have seen coalitions of fiscally conservative member states who have sought to block further financial integration. Despite their small size, these states have come together and taken on the rest of the European Union with much success. They have had to do this since Brexit has cost them a large and powerful ally, the United Kingdom. With growing support for more integration in Germany and France, smaller states who object to further integration have had to stop their interest from being ignored. The thesis makes use of Liberal Intergovernmentalism, Rational Choice andTwo-Level Game Theory to develop the analysis. The method used is historical, which allows the question to be answered by looking at the patterns and motivations of previous coalitions. The analysis shows how coalitions, due to the distribution of power amongst member states, are necessary for small states in having their say. The analysis also looks at how these coalitions come together, how they alter the power and approach of the small states to the negotiation table. Using the case of the Frugal Four, this thesis determines the value of coalitions and attempts to determine whether coalitions are the way forward in EU negotiations due to the large UK- shaped power vacuum left over by Brexit. This thesis sees that resulting from the power shift strongly favouring the pro-integration forces and the large states coalitions offer the only means for small states to avoid having their interest ignored. The coalition also offers long term assurance for these states in the pursuit of their national preferences.

Small states tend to use different security strategies to increase and gain influence over their own level of security. Sweden is a small Nordic state with a long history of proclaimed neutrality when it comes to security policy. But in the last couple of decades the country has increased its contributions to, and participations in, numerous EU and NATO security projects and exercises. In 2009, Sweden adopted a declaration of solidarity towards the member countries of the EU. In 2014, Sweden also signed a memorandum of understanding with NATO. This has ignited bothan internal and an external debate among political scientists and security experts about what the Swedish security strategy is. This paper seeks to describe and clarify the Swedish security strategy by analyzing documents on security policy from the Swedish government. The study also examines the level of continuity in the Swedish security strategy. Based on a theoretical framework of security strategies of small states, the study utilizes three ideal types of the small state security strategies balancing , bandwagoning and hedging to analyze and describe the Swedish security strategy. The study concludes that the Swedish security strategy as it is presented in two official documents on security policy ranging from 2009 to 2015 mostly indicates balancing . The willingness to strengthen the Swedish military capacity and theeagerness for cooperation with the EU, NATO and USA clearly indicates balancing towardsRussia, a state which is described as a security threat in both documents. However, there are also tendencies towards hedging due to the insistence of armed neutrality in both documents. The study also shows that while there is a high degree of continuity in Sweden’s security strategy there has been a small shift in strategy towards more balancing from 2009 to 2015.

This study investigates how small states can employ different strategies to overcome structural disadvantages and exert influence within NATO. To this end, the establishment of Enhanced Forward Presence (eFP) has been used as case study to explore how the three Baltic states – Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania – undertook deliberate efforts during the decision-making process to serve their long-time policy preferences. As part of a reinvigorated strategic approach, the eFP multinational battlegroups would ultimately constitute leading elements of the alliance’s deterrence and defence posture. Through careful process-tracing, this study illustrates how the Baltic states, both as a collective trio and within a larger coalition, mitigated their structural disadvantages by joining efforts to influence others. The cohesiveness among eastern allies, and moreover the concrete and tangible policy preferences of the Baltic states, benefited discussions where allies’ diverging strategic preferences needed to be reconciled to find an equitable compromise. The study includes eleven semi-structured interviews with senior officials who were directly or indirectly involved in the decision-making process, allowing for credible, first-hand insights into the internal development of NATO’s strategic shift.

How do small EU member states approach the Council Presidency: is the Presidency a silencer or an amplifier of national interests? Moreover, what challenges and opportunities do a small state face in the Presidency? In this comparative case study, I analysed the approach, challenges and opportunities of three member states in relation to the chairmanship: Denmark, an old and experienced member state and its Presidency in 2012; Latvia, a relatively new member state and first time Presidency in 2015; and finally Estonia, another new member, and its upcoming first time Presidency in 2018.My main findings indicate that the Presidency functions as a silencer for first time holders of the Presidency; and as an amplifier for Denmark, which efficiently used cognitive power resources to tilt the Presidency agenda in its favour, while remaining an honest broker. The Presidency offers many opportunities, among which the most important is the transformation of the public administration. Moreover, to showcase the EU to the incumbent state, and vice versa, is important for the integration process. It is also essential for the identity formation of small states to prove their capacity within the union. Finally, I established that a close relationship with the Commission is an important leadership quality and power resource for small states. For small states, the Presidency represents a challenge for the public administration, while unforeseeable events can entirely change the course of the Presidency. Furthermore, the domestic as well as the European political landscape can negatively influence the decision-making.

This thesis attempts to explain why some domestic crises escalate to internationalized civil war, while others do not. Existing research on unilateral intervention in civil war does not pay sufficient attention to the dyadic nature of conflict, and the decision by an actor to resist intervention. Jack Snyder’s (1991) theory of Great Power “regime cartelization” is here adapted to explain why some transitional regimes in small states are less susceptible to immediate, extended deterrence by external actors that support separatist domestic challengers. Cartelized regimes are transitional regimes with relatively weak democratic institutions, and executive decision making influenced by nationalist ideology. The main claim of this thesis is that regime cartelization is positively related to the onset of internationalized civil war, given that secondary party support to the domestic challenger is staunch. This is because cartelized regimes prefer the cost of war over the audience cost of backing down from a contestation. A comparative, qualitative case study of two domestic crises in Georgia 2004-2008, and two domestic crises in Ukraine 2014-2016 supports this claim.

Cabo Verde tem registrado um crescimento considerável em nível da subregião Oeste africana, apesar dos enormes desafios que o país apresenta, tais como escassez de água potável, de energia, de saneamento básico, deficiente infraestrutura, limitados recursos naturais, materiais e humanos. Este trabalho analisa as perspectivas e as alternativas para a economia de Cabo Verde, tendo em conta esses enormes desafios. Para este propósito, o trabalho inicia com a problemática do (sub)desenvolvimento, onde além de uma discussão teórica do assunto, se aborda a questão dos pequenos estados insulares da qual Cabo Verde faz parte e as oportunidades de desenvolvimento que ainda restam aos subdesenvolvidos. Em seguida, apresenta-se um histórico da economia de Cabo Verde, com destaque para os vários momentos verificados desde o período antes da independência até os dias de hoje. Depois se discutem alguns aspetos considerados relevantes da economia Cabo-verdiana, como as contas nacionais, a estrutura do emprego e de desemprego, a caracterização de alguns setores de atividade econômica e, também, faz-se uma análise do desempenho da economia. Por fim, no capítulo 5 discute-se a importância das relações internacionais do país, avaliam-se os desafios que o país enfrenta, as perspectivas de desenvolvimento face a esses desafios, e as alternativas de desenvolvimento, tendo por base o turismo, a ajuda pública ao desenvolvimento (APD), o investimento direto externo (IDE) e as remessas dos emigrantes (RE). Os resultados obtidos neste estudo sugerem que o país, apesar de melhoras significativas em diversas áreas de desenvolvimento, fato comprovado pela recente elevação a País de Rendimento Médio (PRM), o país apresenta ainda enormes desequilíbrios e distorções no seu processo de desenvolvimento. Evidencia-se neste trabalho que, apesar dos constantes desafios e constrangimentos que o país enfrenta, e apesar das alternativas de desenvolvimento se basearem nos fatores externos que não estão sob total controle do país, as perspectivas de desenvolvimento são bastante favoráveis. / Cape Verde has experienced considerable growth in the sub-region of West Africa which is a part, despite the enormous challenges the country presents, such as scarcity of water, energy, sanitation, lack of infrastructure, lack of natural resources, limited human and material resources. This paper analyzes the prospects and the alternatives for the economy of Cape Verde, given these enormous challenges. For this purpose, this work begins with the problem of the (under) development, where in addition to a theoretical discussion of the subject, addressing the issue of small island states which Cape Verde made part and the development opportunities that remain for developing countries. Then comes a history of Cape Verde's economy by addressing various events occurred since the period before independence until today. After that, it is considered some relevant aspects of the Cape Verde economy, such as national accounts, the structure of employment and unemployment, the characterization of certain sectors of economic activity, and also an analysis of economic performance. Finally, in Chapter 5 discusses the importance of the international relations of the country, to assess the challenges facing the country, prospects for development with these challenges, and the alternatives of development, based on tourism, Help official development assistance (ODA), foreign direct investment (FDI) and remittances (RE). The results of this work suggest that the country, despite significant improvements in several areas of the development, proven by the recent graduate to Middle Income Country (MIC), the country still has huge imbalances and distortions in its development process. Evidence in this work, despite the continuing challenges and constraints facing the country, despite the development alternatives are based on the external factors that are not under total control of the country, the development prospects are quite favorable.