英國於1973年正式加入歐洲統合而成爲歐體會員國，至2016年6月23日公投決定脫歐，身為歐盟第二大經濟國，43年的關係已確定要分手。 歐盟經濟和社會政策的核心總結起來為四大自由-包括商品、資金、人員及服務，因此歐元及申根條約為其支柱，可是自歐債危機、敘利亞難民以及恐怖攻擊後，頓時令這兩大支柱受到挑戰，多種因素讓英國認為與歐盟的統合已經走到「弊大於利」，因此選擇說再見的時候。 本研究循歷史發展探討英國與歐盟間之競合，並以互賴理論，自英國加入歐盟之利益考量，脫歐公投之背景及分析脫歐派與留歐派雙方之立場，就經貿、就業機會、會費預算、歐債危機、移民、邊境管控等面向分析，以及脫歐後對於英國及歐盟之影響。也因歐盟「中央集權化」的趨勢下，英國認為對於法規、財政治理、移民管控自主權的喪失，而以拿回主權為訴求。 自英國決定脫歐後，英國首相梅伊(Theresa Mary May)於今(2017)年也已提出了脫歐計畫白皮書，闡明將完全的脫離歐盟，日後雙方的談判仍是漫長艱難。 從英國脫歐到川普當選都顯示出反全球化思潮、種族民族主義、反對向歐盟等超國家組織讓渡主權，此股風潮正在改變歐美政治，因此期藉由本研究，能初探其原因。 / In 1973, the United Kingdom officially joined European integration and became a member of the European Community. In June 23, 2016, the United Kingdom held a public vote for Brexit and decided to leave the European Union (EU). As the second largest economy in the EU, the United Kingdom is determined to terminate the 43-year relationship with the EU. The EU economic and social policy core contents comprise four basic freedoms, namely, goods, capital, people, and services. Euro and the Schengen Agreement are the two pillars supporting the EU. However, the European debt crisis, Syrian refugees, and terrorist attacks have affected the stability of the two pillars. Various factors cause British people to believe that it is unworthy of continuing European integration because the United Kingdom benefits from the EU at a cost of losing more. This study investigates the history of coopetition between the United Kingdom and the EU and uses interdependence theory to analyse the economic consideration of the United Kingdom to join the EU, the context of the Brexit vote, and the viewpoints of advocates and opposition for remaining in the EU. We also analyse different dimensions, including trade, job opportunity, the EU membership fee, European debt crisis, immigrants, and border control, as well as the effect of Breixt on both the UK itself and the EU. In addition, because of the centralization trend of the EU, the United Kingdom claims to retrieve the losing autonomy of legal regulation, fiscal governance, and immigration control. After the decision of leaving the EU was determined, the UK Prime Minister Theresa Mary May proposed a Brexit White Paper in 2017, declaring that the United Kingdom will leave the EU completely. Long and complicated negotiations between the United Kingdom and the EU are expected. From the Brexit issue to Trump elected as the US president, these events reveal a trend of antiglobalisation, ethnic nationalism, and refusal to yield sovereignty to supranational organisations such as the EU. This trend is changing the politics in the Europe and the United States; thus, the present study is conducted to preliminarily identify the rationale behind this trend.

加拿大自脫離英國政府的殖民統治以來，至今已經有一百三十多年的歷史。期間雖經歷了保守黨、自由黨之輪流執政，仍無法完全解決長期以來魁北克人民對於「獨特社會」地位、保護法語文化及傳統的要求。尤有甚者，一九七六年魁人黨（Parti Quebecois）在魁北克省執政成功，並分別於一九八○年及一九九五年針對獨立與否議題舉辦兩次魁省公民投票。雖然最後魁北克人企圖獨立的公投失敗，但其所帶來的衝擊、餘波，更強力震撼了加拿大的政治生態。 一九九三年柯瑞祥（Jean Chretien）領導的自由黨在大選中擊敗執政長達九年的穆隆尼（Brian Moulorney）保守黨政府，順利當選加拿大聯邦總理後，一直致力於改善失業率，通貨膨脹率及削減預算赤字等國內經濟問題。然一九九五年魁北克公投期間，柯瑞祥被許多聯邦派人士批評過於輕忽國家統一問題及魁北克分離派（separatist）的實力。最後聯邦主義者（federalist）雖以1.2％約五萬五千票的差距取得勝利，但獨立派人士卻揚言要繼續推動第三次公投以尋求最後的成功。 本論文主要探討柯瑞祥政府對魁北克獨立運動的因應策略，其中主要以經濟、政治、法律等三個層面予以分析。在經濟層面探討柯瑞祥政府的安撫策略（carrot strategy）及強硬策略（stick strategy）；政治上則探討魁人治魁的傳統策略，以及提前大選策略、外交策略、多元文化策略等；法律上則探討密契湖協議（Meech Lake Accord）與查洛城協議（Charletown Accord），以及九五年公投法律分析、Ｂ計畫 (Plan B)、澄清法案（Clarity Bill）等。由於一九九五年魁省公投對加拿大聯邦政府帶來的衝擊，使得柯瑞祥不得不更謹慎處理國家統一問題。其後，從一九九七年的大選和一九九八年的魁北克省長選舉得票結果可知，魁北克獨立勢力似乎已有見緩的趨勢。因此柯瑞祥政府在經濟、政治和法律面上對魁北克獨立運動策略之成效為何，以及魁北克獨立運動的未來可能發展，均值得探討，此乃本論文之主軸。 由於國內研究加拿大的學者不多，特別是針對魁北克獨立問題的研究更是鳳毛麟角，因此引發筆者的研究動機。面對近來因民族主義意識而興起之獨立運動風潮，魁北克的獨立議題實值得深入分析。 / It has been more than 130 years since Canada stopped being an English colony. Although conservative and liberal governments had come and go, none had managed to resolve completely and permanently the Quebec people's demands for a "distinct society" status and moves to protect the French language and culture. The quest for the former is especially worth mentioning. In 1976, Partis Qucbecois was voted into power in Quebec and held 2 state referendums to decide whether to be independent in 1980 and 1995. Despite failing to get a majority in the referendum, these events sent the shockwaves throughout the political world. In 1993, the Liberal party led by Jean Chretien beat the conservative government led by Brian Moulorney, which had been in power for 9 years. After Chretien became the federal prime minister of Canada, he concentrated on cutting down the unemployment rate and other internal economical problems such as the inflation rate and the deficit. In spite of this, he was criticized by many federalists as neglecting the country unification issue and the power of Quebec's separatists. Although, in 1995's referendum, federalists managed to win with a margin of 1.2% (around 55,000 votes) in the end, independents vow to seek a referendum again until they win. This thesis aims to analyze strategies taken by the Chretien government against the Quebec independent movement from three viewpoints: Economical, Political and Legal. From the economical viewpoint we'll take a look at Chretien's "Carrot and Stick Strategy". From the political viewpoint, the traditional "Quebecers rule Quebec" policy as well as the "earlier election" policy, foreign policies, multicultural policies, etc. are examined. From the legal viewpoint, the Meech Lake Accord, the Charletown Accord as well as 1995's referendum law analysis, Plan B, the Clarity Bill, etc. are examined. Due to shockwaves to the federal government brought about by 1995's Quebec Referendum, Chretien had to handle the country unification problem with even more care. After 1995, as can be seen from 1997 general elections and 1998 Quebec's provincial election, the Quebec Independence Movement started to lose steam. Therefore, it is worthwhile to examine the effects the economical, political and legal polices the Chretien government took had on the movement, as well as possible developments of the movement. That will be the main topic of this thesis. The author was motivated to do research on this topic as there aren't many researchers on Canada locally, especially researchers on the problems of Quebec's Independence Movement. Facing the independent movement recently due to heightening nationalist sentiments, Quebec's Independence Movement case study is worth an in-depth analysis.

在目前國際社會中，社會變遷讓分裂主義成為一個全球普遍存在的時代議題。考慮到越來越多的國際組織出現，及世界潮流也逐步朝向無國界的道路發展，全球化在公民社會上也開始扮演另一個重要影響的角色。分裂主義和全球化本是兩個矛盾無法共融的概念，歐洲卻是表現這兩個概念間產生關聯的最好例子，歐盟各會員國透過一體化來展現力量，但歐洲中的一些國家及某些區域又具有強烈的分離主義，這兩者彼此是無法共通的，但是現實又已經形成交集，因此也導致出一個有趣的辯論與分析。 這些分裂主義運動不僅現時在歐洲各國擴散，在世界各國也形成一股風潮。英國、西班牙和加拿大這些國家，都處於分裂邊緣的發展，使單一國家的概念被大幅度挑戰。而分裂主義會成為如此熱門的議題，是因為最近世界經濟與社會的變化，鼓勵更多國家的公民與團體，往這麼個方向走出，如2014年克里米亞與烏克蘭分離事件、蘇格蘭公投，讓分離議題持續成為國際社會必須關注的焦點。蘇格蘭分裂主義的公投運動，自2014年以來一直是國際社會關注的焦點，主要的原因是這裡面意涵著，包含了兩個相互衝突的概念:蘇格蘭想要從英國獨立的分裂性，卻又支持全球化的互助性。因此，根據全球化分析加諸於分裂運動上的限制，將蘇格蘭做為全球化-分裂主義的個案研究，本研究提供有趣的見解與論斷，提供分裂運動各個面向的議題，在面臨全球化是否成為獨立成功可能性的參考。 / Separatism has never been as prevalent as it is now with the current shifts occurring in the international society. Globalization has been another prominent influence in the global community as well considering there have been more international institutions enacted and the world is increasingly becoming a borderless one. Separatism and globalization are two contradictory concepts and a prime example of the linkage between the two concepts can be seen through European integration and the regional separatist movements in Europe. Both are paradoxical and thus, they make for an interesting debate. Not only are these separatist movements widespread in countries of Europe but has become prominent in many countries all around the world. Countries such as the United Kingdom, Spain and Canada are on the verge of splitting up and with vivid alterations in society such as Putin’s annexation of Crimea and Scotland’s referendum in 2014, the topic of separatism has been at the forefront of the international community nowadays. Scotland’s separatist movement has been the one to watch since 2014 and the reason for this is because it encompasses both the conflicting concepts separatism and globalization considering Scotland supports globalization but also wishes for separation from the rest of the United Kingdom. Therefore, placing Scotland as the case study in the context of the globalization-separatism debate will offer interesting insights as to the constraints that globalization places on separatist movements, but also, the possibilities of a separatist movement becoming independent in the face of globalization.

2016年的英國脫歐公投，最終以51.89%比48.11%的差距，決定了英國脫歐的命運。各界紛紛揣測各種可能造成民眾投下脫歐一票的原因，包含個人經濟狀況、政黨認同、受民粹操控、反菁英、對歐洲認同等。本文針對既有研究中尚存在之空缺，聚焦「議題投票取向」對選民投票抉擇的影響，探究脫歐陣營對資訊的扭曲是否對選民的投票抉擇有顯著影響。論文就脫歐派針對國民健保、移民、脫歐後的英國對外經貿、失業率、勞工權益保障與是否能無條件持續享有歐盟單一市場好處這六項議題，透過「二分勝算對數模型」進行分析，從個體層次行為來瞭解資訊扭曲對選民在脫歐公投中投票行為的影響。 研究結果顯示，在移民潮來襲、民眾高喊反全球化與選民不安全感高漲的大環境背景下，脫歐陣營對選民所關心之議題的煽動與對資訊的操控使選民在做出投票抉擇時受到明顯誤導。此外，模型結果亦顯示，選民的個人社經背景與心理態度認知同樣對選民投票行為產生影響。總結而言，本研究透過微觀層次的分析，針對促使選民投下脫歐一票的因素做出深入探討，並以「資訊扭曲」作為重要變數，補充議題投票相關研究之不足。 / In the Brexit referendum held in June 2016, 51.89 per cent of the voter voted Leave and 48.11 per cent voted Remain. The result sealed the fate of the UK as an outsider of the European Union. While the reasons behind voter’s choice to leave the EU remain disputed, individual voter’s socio-economic status, party identification, populism, anti-elite mood, and identity toward European were among the most frequently listed factors. In order to fill the gap that existing researchs has left, this thesis focuses on the significance of “issue voting” in voting behavior. It discusses if the distortion of information by the Leave campaign had a significant impact on people’s voting choice. It uses the “logistic regression model” to analyse six issues brought about by the Leave campaign. They include the NHS, immigration, trading arrangements with other nations, unemployment, working conditions for British workers, and unconditional maintaining of all the benefits from the EU. By focusing on the individual level, I try to investigate how the distortion of information has impacted upon people’s voting behavior in the Brexit referendum. The study shows that against the background of an increased flow of immigrants and heightened anti-globalization mood, voters had a strong sense of insecurity. Under such circumstances, the Leave campaign exploited the opportunity to incite voters on issues they cared most about, manipulated information during the demagogic campaign, and misled people on their voting decision. In addition, the model also demonstrates that voters’ socioeconomic status and mental cognizance have the same effect on people’s voting behavior. In the nutshell, this thesis uses micro-level analysis to investigate voter behavior in the Brexit referendum. It brings in “information distortion” as a key variable in explaining voter behavior, a variable largely neglected in the existing literature on issue voting.