本文以1984年至1989年間的台灣勞工法律支援會（簡稱為勞支會）為中心，考察勞支會的創立、改組與政治反對運動和勞工運動的互動關係。由於戰後台灣長期處於強人威權體制之下，使得工會組織「資源匱乏」，勞工運動由勞工自發性地開展較為困難。本文依循著勞支會組織變化的情形，觀察1980年代黨外運動、勞支會與勞工運動間不同的互動轉折。1984年勞支會創立的重要性在於，它是黨外路線鬥爭下的產物，一方面勞支會連結了黨外新生代對於群眾運動的初步想像，另一方面則提供當時黨外所能提供的資源（法律諮詢、協助者），一定的程度上協助了勞工運動的開展。到了1988年初之交，在野政治勢力的變化與年終獎金風潮的爆發，使得勞支會內在改變的因子得以萌發，再度轉向為籌組工會、協助工會發展、勞工教育與行動策略建議的組織者。在此之前，勞支會儘管有從純法律服務轉變為協助者的發展，但真正促使勞支會進一步轉變的催動力，並非來自於在野政治勢力，而是源自於勞工集體行動。整體來看，勞支會的創立與改組所具有的意涵，在當時都是相當特殊的變化，假若沒有勞支會成立於先，1987年後勞工運動可能又是另一種狀態。

台灣從一九八０年代開始進入民主化之後，政局改變也促使大規模民眾參與社會運動性質產生變化。野百合運動後近二十年出現野草莓運動，也是威權轉型後的首次以學生為主體的大型政治反對運動。本論文針對野草莓運動的組織、動員、決策、參與動機、政治價值、態度與行為模式進行探討。 本論文以野草莓運動為例，透過深度訪談方式進行個案研究。本論文主要研究目的如下：首先，探討政治反對運動的形成因素，對政治反對運動原因、屬性等影響。其次，探討現階段學生參與社會運動的動機。第三，討論分析野草莓運動形成的有關因素及影響，瞭解政治上是否有如同野百合學運一般的實質影響力。 本論文研究後發現，野草莓運動與野百合運動相較之下，其政治影響力不如野百合運動。野百合運動的效果導致台灣進入憲政改革，加速民主化過程，並受到執政當局的積極回應。相較於野草莓運動，從野草莓運動開始，政府就不斷以消極的方式面對，有別於野百合運動時的政府積極態度。 一個社會運動的成敗必須要各方面的配合，除了運動的理想所產生的集體思維和社會信念，更要有公眾的強力支持為後盾，配合系統化、組織化的動員與適合的決策程序。一個運動的成敗，除了內部決策、組織、動員、策略、抗議手段等，也要考量到社會大眾的認同與支持，上述論及之各項因素都將會對政治反對運動的成敗造成影響。 關鍵字：政治反對運動、社會運動、野草莓運動、野百合運動、集體決策、組織動員。 / The thesis attempts to observe the characters of the Wild Strawberry Movement in Taiwan. After the third wave of democratization, the characters of the mass participation in Taiwan’s social movement have changed. The Wild Strawberry Movement is the first large-scale political opposition led by students after Taiwan’s democratic transformation. The thesis wants to discuss the Wild Strawberry Movement’s organization, mobilization, decision, participation and value etc. There are three aims in the thesis. At first, to understand the causes of political opposition movement. Second, to figure out student’ s motives of the social movement. Third, to discuss the cause of Wild Strawberry Movement and compare it’s political influence to the Wild Lily Student movement. A successful political opposition movement needs some elements to match up. The collective thinking and social belief are playing the main roles in the social movement. The most important element of all is public’s support. Besides, the internal decision, organization and mobilization are also important elements to affect the political opposition movement.

不單僅祇是回溯威權時期國家機關、反對運動與主流報業的歷史，本文汲取各種相關文獻企圖開展關於「國家認同」問題的研究。國家認同議題的研究同時具有理論與實踐上的目的，它反映了近年台灣政治最重要的轉化情況，值得學界投入更多的努力去探索。 　　與其他文本及論述分析方法相較，框架分析更能揭露深植於媒介正文中的意義，並提供社會主體機制間（如國家、反對運動...）權力關係的深層描述。媒介框架分析同時也加速了傳播研究與其他理論傳統（如建構論取向...）正持續進行中的整合趨勢。 　　這項初探研究鎖定過去四年(1988-1991)有關台獨議題的各種媒介框架之消長浮沈情形。本文嘗試提供這樣的建議：每種框架均包藏了駁雜不一的「框架論點」，而且並非所有的框架都如過去研究文獻所稱是「預先定義好」的。再者，媒介場域存在的框架競爭本身亦起落不定，各種社會力各有擅場。因此，媒介框架的流變與複雜特性，使我們有必要透過接合媒介框架與更寬廣的社會情境，作為詮釋問題的基礎，進而再思國家認同議題本身存在的機會與陷阱。最後本文也提出了若干暫時的結論。 / Rather than simply retracing the history of the state, opposition, and dominant press in the authoritarian decades, I want instead to draw on some relevant literature to open up an investigation about the question of national identity. For both theoretical and practical ends, we necessarily explore 'national identity'. This issue reflects the most important transformation in recent Taiwan politics, and absolutely deserves much more attention than now. 　　Compared with other discourse and textual analysis methods, framing analysis is more capable of unfolding the deep-rooted meanings in media texts and offering a 'thick-description' of power relations between different social agencies, such as the state, opposition, etc. Media framing approach also has accelerated the ongoing convergence of communication research and other theoretical traditions. 　　In this preliminary inquiry, I concentrate on the ebb and flow of media frames that is on the 'independence' issue during past four years (1988-1991). I propose here that a frame has its variants of 'framing arguments,' and not every frame is so 'pre-defined' as some earlier researches suggested. Furthermore, there are many ups and downs in the framing contest. Therefore, its flexible and complex characteristics force my interpretation based on articulating media frames with the larger social context, and reconsidering the possible opportunities and pitfalls of the 'national identity' question. 　　The main findings are: 1. As one of media frame sponsors, the state remains a dominator within media discourses on the 'independence' issue, albeit opposition movement becomes main source of the dominant press. 2. Third party and reporters usually affiliate with the state, rather than political opposition. 3. However, media discourses around this issue gradually paves the way from the 'illegitimate' to the 'impossible,'signaling a structural transformation in identity politics. Especially, It's significant that Localism frame overpowers the long-standing Great China one in frame disputes. We are certain that ethnicity or nationality in post-authoritarian Taiwan has been radically re-constituted.