自2016年蔡英文政府執政以來，兩岸關係集聚降溫，經貿及政治往來遇冷，文化和教育交流成為海峽兩岸之間的唯一紐帶。在台陸生，特別是學位生，較之交換生在台灣停留時間更長，對台灣的認識和了解也更加廣泛且深刻，其之於兩岸文教交流的重要性不言而喻。學者們提出兩岸化的概念，用以描述衝突地區之間因為文教交流而降低衝突的過程，簡言之，兩岸化認為隨著兩岸的文教交流程度提高，彼此之間的和平程度也會隨之提升。本研究以在台陸生學位生為研究對象，調查其群體特征及在台經驗，探討陸生在台經驗和其對兩岸化認知之關聯。研究通過便利取樣的方式共收集838份問卷，并在此基礎上訪談了13名在台陸生。研究發現，在台陸生對於台灣社會文化滿意度最高，對台灣的政治表現滿意度最低。停留時間、社交狀況、社會參與以及負面體驗對陸生的兩岸化認知有顯著影響。其中，隨著在台停留時間增加，陸生對台的整體滿意度呈現W型分佈；和台灣同學的交流有助於提升陸生對於兩岸交流效果的肯定；在台參加過社會運動的陸生對于大陸的民主化更有信心；而同時，在台遭遇過歧視或霸凌的陸生對兩岸交流保持較為悲觀的態度。陸生對台灣的認知，特別是對兩岸化的認知對台灣以及兩岸關係有著深刻且長遠的影響。本研究之結果希望能為有關部門和學者提供可行之意見和建議，優化兩岸文教交流模式，推動兩岸關係的良性發展。 / After Tsai’s administration took office in 2016, the cross-strait relationship between Taiwan and Mainland China has become quite unpredictable in terms of economic and political communication. Cultural and educational exchange is regarded as the only sustainable interaction, which makes mainland students studying in Taiwan, especially the degree seekers with a deeper and more extensive contact with Taiwan society, an appropriate subject of study when exploring cross-straitization—a model indicates that the growth of cultural and educational exchange raises the degree of peace between Taiwan and China. Based on previous research and existing theory of contact and cultural and educational exchanges, the study examines the possible impact of the Taiwan’s experience on mainland Chinese degree-seeking student perspectives on cross-straitization. It employed questionnaires (838 valid samples) and in-depth interviews (13 samples) in 2016. The study found that Chinese students had a higher perception of socio-culture than the political and economic performance of Taiwan, as well as that time dimensions significantly impact on Chinese student perspectives of Taiwan and on unification; with the passing of time, these students’ views on unification first falls then rises. More contact with Taiwanese students provides a better understanding and potentially closes gaps between China and Taiwan. Likewise, participation in social movement increases Chinese students’ confidence in the democratization of China. In contrast, negative experiences, such as bullying and discrimination, impedes mutual understanding. The findings and discussion address the future research that is needed on cross-strait issues and recommends preventive and remedial measures, as well as policies to improve mutual communication and understanding.

兩岸關係的研究者，除了將歷史的糾結、族群的認同、經濟的利益以及不對稱力量等等的因素，作為分析兩岸關係的重要變項之外，兩岸互動當中的「代理人結構」，也是兩岸關係當中學者所重視的一個重要變項。 「代理人結構」的產生原因，主要是由於大陸與台灣雙方政府均強調避免官方接觸，而採用透過民間單位對談互動的模式，而這種互動的模式除了以「委託」、「複委託」結構呈現出來， 兩岸文教交流事務當中我政府與非營利組織間的所有互動關係，也類似這樣的模式。而在這種政府與非政府組織間的互動結構當中，非營利組織在與政府互動時的行為態樣，相關理論歸納出幾種不同的模式，有與政府充分配合的「合作模式」、有利用政府資源遂行自己目的的「吸納模式」、有認同政府目標而分工併行的「互補模式」，也有與政府相互對抗的「衝突模式」（Najam,2000）。至於其效果，不同的理論對其效果有著不同的詮釋，例如：有研究談判的學者，認為如果非營利組織配合政府的官僚控制模式，則這種兩階段談判的結構，可以為政府爭取到談判的空間（Raiffa, 1996:15-16）；而主張社群主義的學者則認為這種結構可以透過互動，使非營利組織與政府產生合作的集體意識（Haeberle, 1987:180），進而與大陸方面相抗衡；但根據公共選擇理論的經濟人假設，理性的「代理人」透過「吸納」政府資源以達成自己目標的模式，是一種必然的現象，政府同理亦可提供資源來誘導非營利組織的行為（Dunleavy, P., and B. O'Leary,1987: 114-115）；當然，也有學者不斷強調非營利組織與政府之間的衝突對立關係（Kramer et al., 1993:123），而在對立狀況下，若非營利組織採取「疏離」的模式，反而可以減少彼此之間的衝突。由此可見，對於政府與非營利組織之間的互動樣態及其優劣，不同的學者有不同的看法，呈現「人言言殊、莫衷一是」的情況。 自民國86年起，筆者任職於主管兩岸事務的行政院大陸委員會，89年亦曾在辦理兩岸文教交流活動的非營利組織工作，在工作的過程當中，發現相較於其他政策領域，兩岸文教交流互動當中的政府與非營利組織的互動關係並非只有某一種固定的行為模式，而是呈現出更多元的關係，而上述不同理論所描繪的互動模式，均能在兩岸文教交流領域過程當中獲得實證的案例來佐證，並且各種互動模式似乎是非營利組織根據時空的變化而有意做出來的選擇行為。 正因為這些多元的選擇行為模式，筆者一直深受下面問題所困擾：「從實然面的角度來說，非營利組織與政府在互動的時候，在什麼情況下會選擇什麼模式?其原因為何?」，此一問題，便是吾人之所以欲進行本研究之初步動機。進一步來說，若能了解非營利組織如何選擇不同模式以及其原因，政府才能據此思考應該採取的因應之道，兩岸文教交流事務才有辦法順利推動。 而為能了解兩岸文教交流當中，非營利組織與政府在互動時模式選擇的問題，必須解決兩方面的問題，首先，由於此一領域當中的行為模式相當多元，因此筆者必須建立一個能夠具有窮盡性及互斥性的分類模式才足夠「描述」現實的各種狀態。其次，每個實際政策領域中影響政府與非營利組織的變數並不盡相同，因此，本研究必須找出影響實際互動的變數以及其原因，才能夠將變數與選擇模式的行為將結合。為達前項目標，本研究將整理中外文獻以彙整出一個具有描述功能的分類模式，為達後項目標，本研究亦將以實際觀察作為方法，歸納出影響選擇行為的變項。 / Due to the fact that Chinese and Taiwanese governments both put emphasis on avoiding official contacts while entrusting private organizations with cross-strait dialogues and interactions, a so-called “proxy structure” has been established. Meanwhile, the interactions between Taiwan’s government and non-profit organizations in dealing with cross-strait cultural and educational affairs also resemble this structure. However, the results of the “proxy structure,” when interpreted based on different theories, are roughly categorized into four modes, including “cooperation,” “co-optation,” “complementarity” and “confrontation.” Now that there are multiple modes to choose from, I have been perplexed all along by the following question: “From a pragmatic viewpoint, when non-profit organizations interact with Taiwan’s government, which mode will be chosen under what circumstances and why?” The core concept of this research lies in this very question. To be more accurate, only when the question how non-profit organizations choose from different modes and why is answered, can Taiwan’s government think, act and react accordingly and cross-strait cultural and educational affairs be handled smoothly. In order to find the answer to this question, first of all, a categorizing model with both exhaustivity and mutual exclusivity and capable of “describing” all kinds of scenarios in the real world was established. Following that, observations were conducted to pinpoint the variables that affect real-life interactions and their causes. Thirdly, information was obtained through in-depth interviews to evaluate the accuracy and applicability of the above-mentioned categorizing model. In-depth interviews has proven that the categorizing model established in the research has a predicting ability with a considerable degree of accuracy and can act as a reference for future researchers conducting quantitative studies.