本研究之研究目的為以「經濟弱勢兒童」為對象、「學校生活經驗」為範疇，試圖「由兒童個體本身」出發，探究經濟弱勢兒童的學校生活經驗（對學校的態度、人際適應、學習適應、常規適應及自我概念情形），期能穿透經驗地了解經濟弱勢兒童的想法與感受，由其立場、角度體察其在教育歷程中的需要，以提供教育工作者及福利政策實務更多來自經濟弱勢兒童本身的觀點。 本研究採「質性研究方法」與「個案研究方法」，以參與觀察為主，訪談與實物蒐集為輔，蒐集一位來自經濟弱勢家庭的國小高年級兒童的學校生活經驗相關資料。分析後依序呈現其在學校生活經驗的諸多面向—對學校的態度、人際適應、學業適應、常規適應及自我概念情形。 來自經濟弱勢家庭的故事主角，透過各種生理、行為及心理上的表現，表達對學校內畏懼事務的無力與恐懼，形成對學校「懼學、拒學」的態度。而長期遲到及未能持續上學，不只影響了她的學習表現，更使其從班級活動中漸漸被排除，尤其當老師視其為特殊分子而以標準外的態度相待，即使是出自善意，卻使弱勢者的處境更形孤立，同儕對其弱勢身分的烙印更加強烈，班級裡的「社會排除」使其由主流分離，面臨了更加邊緣的弱勢處境。然而，老師的愛心關懷、善意協助卻無助改善其學校生活，中產階級與經濟弱勢階級的價值差異及未經理解的企圖改變，致使師生間未能產生實質交流，本故事的主角依然朝氣蓬勃地拒絕上學。而逃避上學的結果則使其在學習上不得輪迴的永處失敗區，儘管在看似絕望的學習態度下，偶仍有學習動機，但面對強大、難以招架的習得無助感，幾乎使她喪失信心，失去勇氣，形成對上學無助又無奈的態度。在常規適應上，安份守己、「不會惹事」是她最引以為豪的事，然而所謂的安份守己、「盡量」不惹事卻也隱含了對同學欺侮和輕蔑態度的忍耐壓抑，及對學校或老師能主持正義或終止欺凌失去信心。此外，長期處於孤單、被排除及習得無助感的打擊，面對學校生活，她也出現抑鬱、自我貶抑的情況。 最後，除了對研究初衷的反省與思考，亦分別對教育實務與後續研究提出若干建議。在教育實務上，除設置「學校社會工作師」協助家庭、教師和學校整合地處理弱勢兒童問題外，亦可減輕教師教學事務負擔，以增進班級導師和經濟弱勢學生的互動品質，而教師亦應試以「轉化型知識份子」的角色，協助經濟弱勢兒童自我增能，並思考如何突破種種結構體制上的限制，創造一個可協助弱勢者「增能」的學習體制。在後續研究上，建議未來相關研究，可在理解之虞，更進一步探究學校場域中，教師和經濟弱勢兒童的師生關係、互動歷程及在互動歷程中如何協助其增能的可行策略，並對經濟弱勢兒童的街頭世界進行認識與理解。 / The purpose of this study is to explore the school experience (including attitude toward school, interpersonal adaptation, academic adaptation, regulation adaptation, and self-concept) of an economically disadvantaged child who is a high-grade elementary school student from a low-income family. Educators and welfare policy makers can refer to this study to better understand the outlook and feelings of children from similar backgrounds. This is a qualitative case study that uses participant observation as the main source of data, complemented by interviews and document analysis. After collecting the relevant information on this economically disadvantaged child, her school experience is presented in accordance with her attitude toward school, interpersonal adaptation, academic adaptation, regulation adaptation and self-concept. The character of this story expresses her powerlessness and fear in school physically, behaviorally and psychologically, and exhibits fear and unwillingness with respect to her studies. She is often tardy and is unable to attend school regularly. This not only affects her academic performance, but also results in that she is tending to be excluded from class activities by classmates, especially when the teacher gives her special treatment. By treating her differently, even if out of goodwill, the teacher is making her situation worse in that her classmates increasingly identify her as belonging to a “minority group”. In a sense, exclusion in the classroom is no different from social exclusion. Though teachers are willing to help, there is still no improvement in her school life. It seems that value differences between the middle class and the economically disadvantaged, as well as attempts to bring about change without fully understanding the circumstances in a student’s life, are not conducive to effective teacher-student communication. She is energetic, yet resists going to school and shows a poor academic performance. Even though she occasionally exhibits motivation for learning, the sense of helplessness she brings from home robs her of confidence in her schooling. In regulation adaptation, she takes pride in abiding by school rules and staying out of trouble. However, this implies that she might be enduring bullying from her classmates and that she lacks confidence in the ability of her teachers and her school to prevent it. Due to the resulting sense of isolation and helplessness, she exhibits depression and self-deprecation in her school life. In addition to a discussion on the original intent of this study, recommendations for educators and for future studies are also offered. In education practice, school social workers can help families, teachers and schools to collectively address the problems that disadvantaged children face. At the same time, we should lighten the burden on teachers and improve relationships between teachers and economically disadvantaged students. Furthermore, teachers should try to be “transformative intellectuals” who can empower these children, by considering methods that can surpass the limitations of contemporary institutions. In future studies, researchers may explore teacher-student relationships, interactive processes between teachers and economically disadvantaged children, as well as feasible strategies that can empower economically disadvantaged children. Another topic for future studies would also be to understand the street life of economically disadvantaged children.

近年我國刑法第185條之3不能安全駕駛罪受到重大酒駕新聞事件影響倉促修法，然而，嚴罰化不僅無法達到抑制酒駕再犯的效果，立法者亦忽略了行為人的實際樣貌，和媒體渲染並影響人民觀感所生成的犯罪形象具有極大落差，以及隱藏在酒駕再犯議題背後所傳達的社會排除議題，更忽視了酒癮高風險族群與酒駕行為人在勞工階層重合且多數酒駕再犯與累犯患有酒癮的可能性。 尤其，我國對於患有酒癮之酒駕行為人提供的刑事司法處遇制度，無論是轉向處遇或是禁戒處分皆有其侷限，且我國面臨亦嚴重欠缺民間戒酒團體，致使酒駕再犯或累犯陷入無法適用司法處遇與參與民間團體的雙重戒治困境。 有別於我國無法提供適當復歸社會機會的難題，比較法上，美國和日本透過不同的處遇方式，前者以貫徹治療式司法精神的酒駕法庭，後者以官方與民間的協力合作，均達到協助行為人社會復歸的共同目標。 為了改善我國刑事司法制度的缺失，以及幫助這群因酒癮而酒駕的「病犯」得以矯治其酒癮問題，並獲得生活的援助，以順利復歸社會。本文期待透過我國現有禁戒處分制度，實質引入美國酒駕法庭的精髓，作為非拘禁處遇方式，並嘗試從審判階段與矯治計畫進行方式予以調整，建構我國酒駕戒癮治療之藍圖。透過酒癮評估認定制度的改善、禁戒處分期間的延長和使被告享有自願性的保障，使被告在審判過程透過協商程序自願參與禁戒處分，獲得矯治酒癮的機會。並藉由執行處所採取非拘禁處遇、使禁戒處分得由法官主導，或是增加法官定期與被告交換意見、司法監督的有效運作，以及促進戒癮民間團體與社會福利制度，為被告構築穩固的生活環境，降低其再犯的可能性。

臺北市南機場公寓社區向來是外界公認甚至當地人自認，臺北市目前僅存的貧民窟之一。在全球捲起社會企業熱潮之際，南機場公寓社區也應運出現了標榜扶助社區弱勢者的社會企業，包括社會企業型公司陸續興起。這些公司試圖以商業模式，創新社會融入的方法，促進社會參與，希望能平息緩和甚至避免社會上的經濟排除現象。 過去我國公部門慣用權威思維，官方經常採取「欲除之而後快」或「掃蕩整頓」的上對下態度，企圖「對抗」貧民窟，與「消滅」弱勢身分者的弱勢處境；傳統的非營利組織，則是嚴守從旁協助弱勢扶助的客觀立場；而近年來新興的社會企業型公司，不同於前兩者，強調主動積極，以社會參與和社會融入的方法，代替區隔和排除，企圖讓公司自身組織及運作，鑲嵌進其欲扶助的社區弱勢族群生活脈絡，與當地共存共榮，對於去除貧民窟與弱勢的標籤化和汙名化，顯已另外開闢出一條途徑，可有效解決社會問題，確值得立法者及擬定政策者思考。 筆者對照相關現行公司法相關法令，評析公司法修法建議，並對照前述歷年來其他相關草案，及與業者所建議的立法方向，探討能否達成上述理想目標，是否回應各界倡議社會企業型公司入法的需求。限縮以南機場公寓社區為例，乃盼更具體而微聚焦呈現出：在扶助社區弱勢時，社會企業型公司實務上可能遭遇到那些困難與質疑，以及如何以法規掃除這些障礙。期能謹供我國其他整體居民處境相對趨於弱勢的社區參考，並提供已投入扶助社區弱勢領域的公司，思考轉型可能性，以及讓有志設立社會企業型公司的創業者，可資實務運用。亦希望藉由耙梳現有各種社會企業型公司的相關法規，以及立法倡議過程脈絡，進一步理解和討論，國內對於社會企業型公司的疑慮與歧見之後，再提出較為妥適可行的我國立法模式建議。