在人口高齡化、漁業與工業缺乏勞工的情況下，引進移工對於臺灣經濟發展的重要性日益提升。到目前為止，臺灣已有五十萬名移工，而且數字還在持續增加。這些逐漸增加的臨時移工人口，使得臺灣社會逐漸需要面對所引起的社會、法律與整個移工結構的問題。為了解決前述的問題, 臺灣出現了幾個以幫助移工為目的的非政府組織。這些機構主要協助移工處理隱私受到侵犯或雇主歧視等人權問題。但由於非政府組織的主要著力於大方向價值觀的倡議，對於移工實質生活條件的改善仍然進步緩慢。本研究的主要關注於如何改變臺灣社會對於移工的觀念與態度，以停止虐待移工的惡性循環。研究方法為透過專家文獻論述與量化數據分析，探討臺灣人對於移工認知、移工權利、社會規範、法治態度等四方面的關係。研究結果顯示，人民對於移工的態度、對於社會規範的看法，以及法治觀念的具備程度，都與對移工的支持程度有顯著關聯，這些因素也都密切影響移工在臺灣的生活權益。 / With a rising aging population and labor shortages across its key fishing and factory industries, the importation of migrant labor is more crucial than ever in keeping Taiwan’s small but impressive economy propelling forward. With over half a million migrant workers and rising, Taiwan is increasingly facing social, legal, and institutional issues that arise when a temporary labor force is mixed in with the status quo population. A small number of grassroots organizations (NGOs) have sprung up in helping these workers, especially when handling human rights violations such as invasions of privacy and discrimination from employers, but progress has been haltingly slow because change has only been enacted on the macro-level, and not within society where prejudice persists. This research argues that those involved must focus their efforts on changing society’s perceptions of these migrant workers in order to stop the cycle of labor abuse. Through quantitative data collection and literature analysis, this research explores Taiwanese attitudes towards migrant workers as people, migrant workers’ rights, social norms, rule of law, and the correlations between these variables. The results from this research show that attitudes towards migrant workers are associated with the support of social norms that inhibit migrant workers’ rights and found that these attitudes, social norms, and weakness of rule of law all contribute to the marginalization of the migrant worker population.

由於印尼為世界上人口最多的國家之一，因此憑藉著此一優勢印尼成為了勞工輸出大國，但是非常多的印尼勞工在外國工作時面臨虐待，因而產生了不少問題，另一方面，台灣是印尼勞工們選擇工作的優先地，主要原因有三個，第一為較高的薪水，第二為較好的生活品質及良好的工作環境，第三不公平對待相較於他國較少發生，儘管如此台灣政府仍面臨著管理外籍勞工的問題，特別是逃逸的外籍勞工的問題，而在台灣的逃逸外勞比例中，印尼勞工占了最高比例。 先前的研究主要在於分析台灣的逃逸外勞現象，並且把此一現象歸因於台灣的移工政策所造成，但是現有的研究主要是針對菲律賓的勞工而不是印尼勞工，因此對於印尼逃逸勞工現象研究則相較較少。 考慮到外籍勞工議題涵蓋的層面多元，如多方的參與者，因此本篇論文將專注於闡述與探討負責輸出勞工及輸入勞工國家的角色及政策。本篇論文主要分為兩部份，第一部分，由於台灣的移工政策對於外國勞工非常嚴格，因此台灣的移工政策造成了印尼勞工過多的負擔，第二台灣和印尼政府無效率的配合，兩國政府只專注於表面並無徹底了解並從其根本解決勞工問題，這兩項因素造成了高比率的逃逸印尼勞工問題，除此之外，本篇論文亦將包含清楚的台灣政府和印尼政府的勞工政策發展，為了更清楚了解此一議題，本篇論文也向移民署收容所作問卷調查，訪問避難所的逃逸勞工，和研究台印勞工現象的專家學者們進行團體討論，本篇分析結果來自問卷調查及訪問，並將此一結果與現有的印尼及台灣政府的政策與合作進行分析。 / As one of the most populous country in the world, Indonesia’s predominance is sending its human resources to work abroad. However, many Indonesian overseas workers encounter mistreatment during their work time which leads to several arising problems. On the other hand, Taiwan has become one of the preferred destination countries due to three reasons; higher salary, better living and working conditions, and low mistreatment cases compare to other destination countries. Despite that, Taiwan government still encounters issues in managing foreign workers. Runaway foreign worker is a major issue in Taiwan’s labor market and Indonesian workers are accounted as the highest runaway foreign workers in Taiwan. Previous researches have been conducted to analyze the phenomenon of runaway foreign workers in Taiwan and most of them addressed Taiwanese guest worker policy as the major reason. Research on runaway Indonesian workers in particular is very limited as most of the existing researches focused on Filipinas workers. Taking into account that foreign workers issue is a multi-faceted phenomenon which involves various actors, this thesis acknowledges the roles and policies from both sending and host states. Therefore this thesis delivers two arguments. First, Taiwan’s guest worker policy has put excessive burden on Indonesian workers as Taiwan employs highly restrictive policy towards foreign workers. Second, Indonesia and Taiwan’s ineffective cooperation is unable to address the existing runaway Indonesian workers issue as it emphasizes more on scratching the surface than dealing with the root causes. These two variables have inadvertently contributed to the high number of runaway Indonesian workers. In addition, this thesis also delivers a clear labor policy development in Indonesian and Taiwan government to understand each institution’s in-take related to labor issues. In order to provide comprehensive findings, this thesis conducts survey with the Indonesian runaway workers in Detention Center, interview with the runaway Indonesian workers in shelters, and focus group studies with Indonesian and Taiwanese experts who are dealing with such phenomenon. The analysis is drawn from the results of survey and interview, and then is connected to the current Indonesian and Taiwanese policies and cooperation in addressing particular issue.

本文的章節架構與寫作層次，基本上就是為了回答研究問題：「越南勞動輸出政策的實質內容是什麼，為何它可以有效地運作？」這一切得以有效運作就是因為國家透過「團結」（đoàn kết）的知識生產將國家民族、農村文化、家庭倫理連貫起來，唯有團結的國家、農村和家庭，個人才有存在的價值，這也是移工自我管理技術的根源。勞動輸出政策便是透過國家、農村和家庭三位一體的團結論述使之與移工主體接合，以形塑出具有生產性的移工主體。而「康莊」（khang trang）指的就是，越南勞動輸出政策下經濟成長和社會發展相結合，所帶來的消除貧窮與地方發展的具體表現。 第二章主要是描述「勞動輸出的歷史過程與跨國移工的形成」。1986年底越南共產黨決議實行革新（đổi mới）之後，國家的政治與經濟制度轉向商品市場化，革新的內容是「社會主義定向市場經濟」。國家因為開放私人資本，導致所有權多種型態的出現，國營企業不再是國家主要的經濟部門，各種新的經濟機會因而出現。結構上的政治經濟制度變遷帶來經濟機會的出現和戶籍制度的鬆動，農村內部的長子繼承制和農民土地的喪失，形成了一股將農民推向跨國勞動輸出的出路。革新之後，勞動輸出政策作為一項重要和長期的發展策略，是有助於國家的工業化和現代化，初期成果除了解決部分國內就業問題，也為國家增加稅收與外匯，因此在政府全力推動政策下，海外勞工的數量不斷成長。 第三章主要是討論「國家對跨國移工主體的治理」。「國家―移工」間的權力關係不全然是傳統上由國家支配一切的權力關係，而是一種Foucault指涉的牧養權力關係，是建立在各種微觀運作機制之上。這部分先討論巨觀的國家勞動輸出政策，側重在國家制訂的各種法律和規範，並且指出勞動輸出政策可以有效運作的第一個制度安排是：「勞動出口公司」，這些勞動出口公司的功能和性質儼然就是國家管理的一環。第二個制度安排是：「基層代理人」，農村基層幹部的多重身份是涵蓋國家與社會部門（例如身兼共黨、政府和祖國陣線等群眾組織幹部），透過上下互相隸屬的職務關係（例如身兼村長和社黨委或是身兼村老人會主席和社老人會常委），結合地方和家庭的社會資本連帶，成為國家政策在基層推動的堅定基礎。 第四章主要分析了「勞動輸出下的跨國移工與社會發展」。越南勞動輸出政策的成功，不僅是從經濟成長方面來肯定它的，也是因為與社會發展的結合，具體表現出來的就是消除貧窮的政策目標。國家優先選送貧窮縣地區的政策對象出國工作，希望將經濟成長的果實分配到貧窮地區，落實越南社會主義國家的團結（đoàn kết）互助理念。海外移工透過匯款remittance和返鄉return home，為地方帶來各式各樣的發展型態，例如：匯款活絡了地方金融；蓋房子不僅改善了個人健康衛生，也創造許多地方就業機會；增加子女教育投資；有更充裕的資金進行微型創業等。 對移工及其家庭來說，勞動輸出政策可以增加收入、投資子女教育、改善衛生健康、降低生存風險、增加儲蓄、促進微型創業等；對農村來說，可以消除貧窮、減少社福支出、增進基礎建設、活絡地方金融等；對國家來說，可以為國家賺取外匯、解決國內就業問題、提升人力資本和融入國際社會等。在國家鼓勵勞動輸出的政策下，地方上的黨支部書記、村長、祖國陣線各組織幹部等莫不以此為發展地方的可行方式。在政府機關、基層幹部和移工及其家庭眼中，勞動輸出政策無疑是一條邁向繁榮經濟、消除貧窮和改善生活的「康莊大道」。 / The key research question of this dissertation is: ‘What is the substance of Vietnam’s labor-export policy and why it works effectively?’. To summarize my findings, the policy of labor export works through ‘đoàn kết’ (the notion of solidarity) that denotes one’s value is based on one’s family, village, and nation. For Vietnamese migrant workers, ‘đoàn kết’ becomes the core of self-management and shapes them into productive subjects. Vietnam’s labor-export policy thus makes articulation with its migrant workers. Furthermore, ‘khang trang’ (thriving villages), under the labor-export policy, means economic growth, social development, poverty elimination, and local development. Firstly, the historical process of labor export and the formation of transnational migrant workers are described. The ‘đổi mới’ (Renovation Policy) had drawn up market economy under socialist direction that implemented by the Communist Party of Vietnam at the end of the year 1986. State owned enterprises are no longer the only type of economic entity and there are new economic opportunities for private capital and investments. The household registration and primogeniture system have been loosed. The labor-export policy was carried out as an important and long-term strategy. Meanwhile, the loss of land pushes farmers to find a way out—working overseas. The growing numbers of overseas workers brings help for the country’s industrialization and modernization; the increasing remittances and national revenue also solves some domestic employment problem. Secondly, the governance of migrant workers by the state is discussed. The power relationship between migrant workers and the state is what Foucault has indicated as “pastoral power relationship” basing on micro-mechanism. The macro-perspective of labor export policy is emphasized on the laws and regulations made by the state. There are two important implements for the labor export policy to be effective. One is the ‘Công ty xuất khẩu lao động’ (labor export company) which functions as national administration. The other is ‘grassroots cadre’ who partakes in the political and social departments, and also shares the social capital with locals and family ties. They become the main personnel for promoting the labor-export policy. Thirdly, the transnational migrant workers and social development under the labor-export policy is analyzed. The economic growth and social developments were linked with the successful labor-export policy. The goal of the policy is to eliminate poverty and it works. Based on the notion of ‘đoàn kết’, the workers form poor areas are prioritized to work abroad for improving their income. In addition, overseas remittance from migrant workers brings a wide range of local developments such as increasing consumption, improving the healthy environments, creating employment opportunities, having more money investing on children’s education and starting their own business. In a word, the policy of labor export brings benefits to migrant workers and their families to the villages, and to the nation. This policy is undoubtedly a move that leads to economic prosperity, poverty eliminating and improving the lives of migrant workers.

隨著入臺工作的移工人數逐年增加，逃逸隱匿、逾期居留的無證移工在臺生育子女的現象屢見不鮮，這些兒童、少年的國籍與身分認定，連繫於父或母的國籍身分與婚姻狀況，或因父母其中一人行方不明導致身分確認困難，從而產生各種錯綜複雜的身分態樣。身分未定的空窗期導致在臺生活的無證兒童、少年（以下簡稱無證兒少）面臨權益空白的困境。 本研究從國籍制度、移民政策與出生通報機制開始探討，針對無證移工在臺所生子女，以「生父為國人，生母為外國籍」、「生父不詳，生母為外國籍行方不明」、「隨外國籍父母在臺隱匿者」三種態樣，分別描述無證兒少身分取得及現況處遇方式；在權益保障方面，以姓名權與身分國籍權、教育權與健康權等相關法制為出發點，評述兒少權益之取得，仍受限於身分認定與基本權益無法脫鉤的規範中。此外，在婚生推定制度的架構下，國人生父認領無證兒少的程序，須由外國籍無證移工生母提具原屬國開立且經駐外館處驗證之婚姻狀況證明方得辦理，惟提證困難導致認領流程延宕，因此，本研究亦分析婚生推定制度對於無證兒少身分取得的影響。 透過文獻分析與深度訪談的方式，深入探究無證兒少面臨的脆弱處境，他們可能遭遺棄、被販賣、或跟著父母在臺四處逃逸、躲藏，成為社會底層的黑戶。本研究嘗試以「兒童、少年」的觀點，以及兒童權利公約規範的最佳利益為前提，就無證兒少的國籍身分與權益困境，提出短期與中長期建議，更期待藉由本研究，讓這些與我們生活在同一片土地的無證兒少受到更多關懷與重視。

摘要 本研究探討印尼家傭，使用智慧型手機維護家庭親密關係的經驗。透過對台灣20名印尼家傭工進行深入訪談並觀察他們的在臉書的活動來究探討智慧型手機在跨國母親和遠距離婚姻中的複雜性，同時強調了家庭中的性別權力動態。部分由於智慧型手機作為相對較新的出現，智慧型手機與跨國母親尚未得到系統的研究。雖然已有若干研究探究了印尼家傭雖使用智慧型手機的經驗，但其獨特的社會文化特徵尚未得到充分和獨立的探究。 研究發現，智慧型手機是家傭維持家庭親密關係的不可或缺的工具。WhatsApp和LINE的語音通話和簡訊，是最被偏好的通訊模式。他們的溝通方式常受雇主控制;然而，一般來說，他們享有使用智慧型手機的通訊自由。智慧型手機的永續連結性為家傭提供了一個虛擬環境創造與孩子的共存感，增溫了他們的關係，並且使家傭能夠向子女提供宗教指導，履行他們作為穆斯林母親的教育責任。智慧型手機也用於配偶間的溝通，儘管頻率往往由妻子或其就業情況決定。 以Goffman的被寵壞的認同（spoiled identity）作為視角，本研究指出印尼家傭在工作期間遭受「作為與雇主同居女傭」之污名化，他們使用各種策略，用智慧型手機進行形象管理來應對他們的生活，包括與丈夫選擇性的分享他們的生活。這項研究進一步假定，在女性移工透過智慧型手機進行密集的網路互動不僅可以作為再現性別角色規範的場所。相反來說，它也是性別規範不斷被挑戰和重建的場所。本研究強調，受污名化的印尼女性家傭移工在其所居的社區之地位的再協商、。控制、賦權、應對策略之要素。 / Abstract This study explores the experience of Indonesian domestic workers in using smartphones to maintain family intimacy. By conducting in-depth interviews with 20 Indonesian domestic workers in Taiwan and observing their Facebook activities, this study examines the intricacy of smartphone use in transnational mothering and distant marriage while highlighting the gender power dynamics in the family. Partly due to its relatively recent emergence, smartphone use for transnational mothering has not been systematically investigated. While Indonesian domestic workers have been included in several studies on this subject, their unique sociocultural characteristics have not been sufficiently and independently examined. The findings suggest that smartphones are an indispensable instrument for family intimacy among domestic workers. Voice calls and text messages via mobile application such as WhatsApp and LINE are the most preferred modes of communication. Their communication practices are often conditioned by their employers; however, in general, they enjoy freedom to use smartphones for communication. Perpetual connectivity of smartphones gives the domestic workers the perception of co-presence with their children in virtual environment which enhances the warmth of their relationship and allows domestic helpers to fulfil their spiritual duties as Muslim mothers by providing religious guidance to their children. Smartphones are also used for spousal communication although the frequency is often dictated by the wives or their employment circumstances. Based on Goffman’s concept of spoiled identity, this study argues that Indonesian domestic workers face social stigma during their work as live-in maids and device various strategies in order to cope with their living condition by using smartphone activities for impression management, including with their husbands by selectively share their life stories. This study further posits that the intensive networked interaction via smartphones during feminized migration does not only serve as a site for the reproduction of normative gender roles. Instead, it is also a venue where these gender norms are challenged and reconstructed constantly. This study highlights the elements of control, empowerment and coping strategies of Indonesian maids to renegotiate their position within their communities during feminized (and stigmatized) migration.