本文以優選理論的觀點分析美濃客語的陰平變調。討論可分為兩部分，首先，針對於變調的範疇，文章從句法與音韻的介面關係探討陰平變調的範疇，結果顯示陰平變調是以語調詞組(Intonational Phrase)作為變調的範疇，而這也為韻律結構的存在提供了證據。語調詞組的形成與感知單位(Sense Unit Condition)和重組(Restructuring)有密切的關係。另外，也探討了語調詞組中的特殊結構，發現語料支持Nespor & Vogel (1986)的假設，即特殊結構可以先形成一個獨立的語調詞組。 探討完變調範疇之後，將以優選理論進行分析。本文提出兩組制約:聲調制約和韻律制約。聲調制約著重在解釋變調的運作，而韻律制約則負責解釋變調範疇的劃分，這兩組制約不僅能解釋一般句子的變調，亦能對特殊結構的變調現象予以充分的說明。針對於變讀的情形，本文以並存音韻理論(Cophonology Theory)來作解釋，藉由*IP和ALIGN-R (Non-adjunct XP, IP)兩個制約的重新排序，得到變調與不變調兩種讀法的範疇的劃分。 / This thesis is aimed at analyzing Yinping tone sandhi in Meinong Hakka from the perspective of Optimality Theory. The discussion is divided into two parts. First, this thesis explores the tonal domain in terms of the interface of syntax and phonology. The analysis indicates that the tonal domain is founded on an intonational phrase. The formation of an intonational phrase is based on the Sense Unit Condition (Selkirk, 1984) and is closely related to restructuring (Nespor and Vogel, 1986). The special constructions of IPs are also investigated. The data supports the hypothesis proposed by Nespor and Vogel (1986), namely, that these special constructions have the privilege to form an isolated intonational phrase. Secondly, Optimality Theory is adopted to analyze the data after exploring the tonal domain. Two set of constraints are proposed in this thesis. One is that of tonal constraints, which are mainly concerned with the processing of tone sandhi. The other is that of prosodic constraints, which are responsible for explaining the delimitation of the tonal domains of the data. The two sets of constraints can be used to account for the operation of the sandhi phenomena in ordinary sentences and also in special constructions. The alternative readings are explained by means of the re-ranking of *IP and ALIGN-R (Non-adjunct XP, IP) from the perspective of Cophonology Theory.

本文主要從句法(Syntax)與音韻(Phonology)的介面關係來探討東勢客語的陽平、陰平及陰去變調現象。本研究以語料庫為根據，觀察東勢客語變調的主要型態，並從句法與音韻的介面來定義變調範域(Tone Sandhi Domain)，包括音步(Foot)、音韻詞組(Phonological Phrase)、語調詞組(Intonational Phrase)等等。本文也發現變調規則必須以循環模式(Cyclic Mode)運作，而且三個變調規則的屬性皆不相同。陽平變調受音步規範、陰平變調較受音韻詞組規範，而陰去變調則不受音韻結構限制。 / This thesis explores the Yangping, Yinping and Yinqu Tone Sandhi Rules (YATSR, YITSR, YQTSR) in Dongshi Hakka from the perspective of the interface between syntax and phonology. According to a Dongshi Hakka Tone Sandhi (DHTS) corpus, this thesis presents the predominant tonal patterns of these rules, and defines the tone sandhi (TS) domain at the interface between syntax and phonology, including foot, phonological phrase, intonational phrase and so on. This thesis concludes that tone sandhi rules must apply in a cyclic mode, and that the three rules are subject to different prosodic structures. YATSR is conditioned by the foot, YITSR is better defined by the phonological phrase, while YQTSR is not structurally-bound.

本篇論文旨在從優選理論（Optimality Theory）之框架背景來探討國、台語夾碼（Mandarin-Taiwanese Code-Mixing）時的連讀變調現象。由於此現象之探討涉及國語及台語之變調，本篇論文亦從優選理論之觀點來探討國語三聲變調（Mandarin Tone Sandhi）以及台語的變調（Taiwanese Tone Sandhi）。 在國語三聲變調方面，由於傳統派生（derivational）模式在處理國語三聲變調時，仍遺留了些許的問題。例如，無法以一致的方式來處理non-PP和PP的變調現象。本文主要針對這個問題，重新以優選理論的角度提出解決之道。文中分別提出了一組韻律制約（Prosodic Constraint）及一組聲調制約（Tonal Constraint）；根據這兩組制約，傳統派生模式所遺留下的缺失則得以獲得妥善的處理。 在台語變調方面，台語變調在傳統派生模式的探討中亦遺留下些許問題。例如，無法以一致的方式來處理non-adjunct和adjunct以及non-clitic和clitic的變調問題。本文根據優選理論，重新分析台語變調。文中分別提出了一組韻律制約及一組聲調制約；根據此兩組制約，則可以成功的免除傳統派生分析模式下的缺失。 國、台語夾碼時的變調是未曾被探討過的問題。本文先就國、台語夾碼時的變調，提出一個派生模式的分析。不過，以派生模式來處理國、台語夾碼變調時，遺留下必須限定國語變調規則和台語變調規則的運作次序這項缺點。因此，本文根據優選理論，重新分析了這個變調現象，並提出了一組聲調制約；這組聲調制約，配合國語及台語的韻律制約，得以成功的處理傳統派生模式所遺留下的問題。 / The present thesis is mainly devoted to the research issue of tone sandhi in Mandarin-Taiwanese code-mixing using an Optimality Theoretic (OT) Approach. Since the study of this code-mixed tone sandhi necessarily involves the tone sandhi rules of Mandarin and of Taiwanese, the tone sandhi phenomena in Mandarin and in Taiwanese are carefully discussed under OT as well. Tone sandhi in Mandarin has been widely studied by many Chinese linguistics under the derivational approach. This thesis argues that the previous analyses to Mandarin tone sandhi are inadequate and that an Optimality Theoretic approach is needed to account for tone sandhi in Mandarin. The inadequacy of the previous analyses comes from the common failure of offering a uniform solution to account for non-PP and PP word stings in Mandarin. Based on the Optimality Theory, this thesis proposes two sets of constraints to account for Mandarin tone sandhi; one is the prosodic constraints set and the other is the tonal constraints set. This thesis proves that these two constraints can successfully get rid of the problem left by the derivational tradition. Tone sandhi in Taiwanese is also widely studied by many Chinese linguistics under the derivational approach. This thesis argues that the previous analyses to Taiwanese tone sandhi are inadequate and that an Optimality Theoretic approach is needed to account for tone sandhi in Taiwanese. The inadequacy of the previous analyses comes from the fact that Taiwanese word strings with non-adjunct and adjunct structures as well as with non-clitic and clitic structures fail to be accounted for using a uniform solution. Based on the Optimality Theory, this thesis proposes two sets of constraints to account for Taiwanese tone sandhi; one is the prosodic constraints set and the other is the tonal constraints set. This thesis proves that these two constraints can successfully get rid of the problem left by the derivational tradition. Tone sandhi in Mandarin-Taiwanese code-mixing is a phenomenon that is very interesting but has not been studied before. This thesis thus offers a derivational analysis to this tone sandhi phenomenon first, where it is found that (1) in Mandarin-Taiwanese code-mixing, a Mandarin base tone can trigger Taiwanese tone sandhi and a Taiwanese low tone can trigger Mandarin tone sandhi, (2) in Mandarin-Taiwanese code-mixing, the Mandarin tone sandhi rule is sensitive to all and only the Mandarin tone sandhi domain and the Taiwanese tone sandhi rule is sensitive to all and only the Taiwanese tone sandhi domain, and (3) in Mandarin-Taiwanese code-mixing, the Taiwanese tone sandhi rule must apply before the Mandarin tone sandhi rule to derive the tonal output. However, since the demand for an extrinsic rule order between the tone sandhi rules of Mandarin and Taiwanese is inadequate, the tone sandhi phenomenon is reanalyzed under the framework of the Optimality Theory. A set of tonal constraints is proposed. According to the tonal constraints set, the inadequacy left by the derivational approach is successfully avoided.

華語三聲變調的運作範疇(domain)一直以來皆是漢語音韻學家激烈探討的主題，不同研究對於運作範疇的定義皆不同，而過去研究也留下了一些尚待解決的問題，例如分類詞(Classifier)以及介係詞(Preposition)如何與其他音節形成三聲變調的運作範疇。本篇論文藉由觀察語料庫中324句最短為6音節，最長為24音節且由數個三聲音節所組成的中文句子，來檢視台灣華語三聲變調若以Nespor & Vogel (1986)所提出之韻律階層(Prosodic hierarchy)為範疇來運作是否能得出自然且多樣的聲調組合。以下分析主要根據韻律階層的順序分成以下四部分：音韻詞(Phonological word)、附著詞組(Clitic group)、音韻詞組(Phonological phrase)、語調詞組(Intonational phrase)。而作者假設三聲變調有兩種運作方式，一種為循環(Cyclic)，一種為同時(Simultaneous)。循環運作時，三聲變調可先以音韻詞邊界為範疇，再以附著詞組邊界為範疇，再以音韻詞組邊界為範疇，最後再以語調詞組邊界為範疇。同時運作時，三聲變調則只以語調詞組邊界為範疇。語料庫分析結果顯示，中心語(Head)之非遞歸邊(Nonrecursive side)的分支性(Branchingness)需被納入音韻詞組的定義中以得出正確的聲調組合。再者，語調詞組的定義也需將語意(Semantic)以及韻律(Metric)的因素納入考量，以限制語調詞組邊界的形成。經過修正，韻律階層理論不僅能成功描述分類詞以及介係詞之三聲變調現象更可預測華語三聲變調的多樣性。 / Mandarin tone sandhi has been argued by different scholars to apply to different phonological domains such as the foot, the phonological phrase etc. This thesis tackles three main issues left by Shih (1986) and Hsiao (1991): the classifier, the preposition and the under-generation problem. In revising the framework of Nespor & Vogel (1986)’s Prosodic Hierarchy, this thesis proposes a possible explanation of the problems. This thesis constructed a corpus of 324 sentence tokens consisting of 6 to 24 third tone syllables. The tokens were recorded from four Taiwan Mandarin native speakers at a speech rate of at least 200 beats per minute. Through the observation of the tone patterns collected, it is found that the original definitions of the phonological phrase and the intonational phrase given by Nespor & Vogel (1986) are not able to describe the Taiwan Mandarin data. This thesis provides a revision of the prosodic hierarchy by taking into account the branchingness of the nonrecursive side on the phonological phrase level and by incorporating Selkirk (1984)’s Sense Unit Condition on the intonational phrase level. Finally, a foot formation condition is also proposed in order to restrict the minimal length of a phonological phrase or an intonational phrase.

本文主要是從音韻,句法,語義及言談分析四部門的介面關係來探討閩南副詞的各種變調現象.副詞的句法及語義修飾功能可能影響閩南語重疊副詞的變調行為.當重疊副詞的句法與語義功能呈現差異時.它則單獨形成一個音韻片語.副詞內在的語義特性與閩南語一般副詞的變調有密切的關連.副詞可以是副語修飾語或句子修飾語.述語修飾語在語義上修飾述語或述語內的成份,因此與述語共同形成一個音韻片語;句子修飾語在語義上修飾主詞,句子或說話者,其必須單獨形成一個音韻片語.最後,我們從言談分析的角度重新分析閩南語的副詞.訊息結構中的焦點,主題及評論等結構會促成副詞音韻片語的重組.當副詞構成整個主題或評論時,它必須單獨形成一個獨立片語 / This thesis explores the adverbial phrasings in Southern Min from the interface among phonology, syntax, semantics, and discourse. The syntactic andsemantic modification functions of the adverbs may affect the tonal phrasings of there duplicated adverbs in this language. When an adverb shows a syntax-semanticmismatch, it would form a separate phonological phrase. The intrinsic semanticproperties of the adverbs are crucial to tonal phrasings of the general adverbsSouthern Min. An adverb may serve as a predicate modifier, a sentence modifier, or both. A predicate modifier joins with the predicate to form aphonological phrase;a sentence modifier forms a separate phonological phrase.Finally, we reanalyzethe adverbs in question from the viewpoint of discourse information structure. An adverb which is a focus, topic, domains. Specifically,a topic or commentcoincides with the phonological phrase.

本篇論文旨在從優選理論（Optimality Theory）的架構觀點分析海陸客語中 的三個音韻現象：變調（Tone Sandhi）、介音（Pre-nuclear Gliding）及音節連併（Syllable Contraction）。 　　在變調方面，由於海陸客語中上聲與陰入聲助數詞不因環境而變調，在利用之前文獻解釋時必須另外設定條件來說明海陸助數詞的特殊變調行為，本文建議利用優選論的制約來分析，本文所提出的一組制約，可以成功的解釋海陸客語中的上聲與陰入聲變調現象。 　　在介音方面，本文選擇以端木三所提出的音節結構為海陸客語音節結構，因為海陸客語中介音所呈現的行為較似起首子音的次發音特徵，因此本文亦提出了一組制約解釋海陸介音在音節中的歸屬。 　　在音節連併方面，本文檢驗了之前文獻所提出的方法，發現無法全面解釋海陸音節連併的現象，因此，提出一組關於音段與聲調的連併之制約將海陸音節連併現象以優選理論呈現。 　　本文是第一篇嘗試以優選理論解釋海陸客語音韻現象的研究，希望能從不同於之前文獻的角度討論海陸客語音韻的問題。之前理論運作的缺陷與不足，在本文的分析下，均可以成功的以優選理論之制約層級來說明。 / This thesis aims to explore three issues in Hai-lu Hakka Phonology in terms of Optimality Theory (OT). The three issues are tone sandhi, pre-nuclear gliding and syllable contraction. 　　Hai-lu Shang Toned and Yin-ru Toned numerals preserve their base tones in any case. Thus, previous studies would need to add an additional condition for the special tone sandhi behaviors of Hai-lu numerals. This thesis offers a set of OT constraints to explain tone sandhi in Hai-lu. The OT constraints can successfully operate Hai-lu tone sandhi without additional conditions. 　　Pre-nuclear glides in Hai-lu behave like the secondary articulations of the onsets. This thesis suggests Duanmu's (1990) syllable structure for Hai-lu syllables. A set of constraints are proposed to explain the pre-nuclear gliding in Hai-lu syllables. 　　The approaches previous studies suggest for syllable contraction are not across-the-board in Hai-lu. Thus, a set of segmental and tonal constraints are proposed to explain Hai-lu syllable contraction. The OT constraints operate syllable contraction in Hai-lu without difficulties. 　　This thesis is a pioneering study which aims to examine Hai-lu phonology in terms of OT. With OT constraint rankings, this thesis explains the remaining problems from previous studies successfully.

本文旨在探討華語焦點變調，並以青年語者為主。本文分別檢驗三種不同的句型，第一類為焦點助動詞和焦點副詞，第二類為平坦結構，第三類則是其它類型的句子。在優選理論的架構下，本文分別提出韻律制約和聲調制約來詮釋華語的焦點變調。筆者透過並存音韻理論(Cophonology Theory)來說明焦點韻律結構的劃分是多個次語法的運作結果。焦點韻律結構的劃分有兩種，主要由(ALIGN-L(F, FP), ALIGN-L(FP, Ft))和(ALIGN-R(F, FP), ALIGN-R(FP, Ft))這兩組可移動的對整制約來決定，當它們在制約排序中移動到不同的位置時會形成不同的韻律結構劃分。本研究發現焦點詞組等同於語調詞組，因此提出另一個對整制約ALIGN-E(FP, IP)來解釋。排序最高的韻律制約則是[FTMIN & NON-FINALITY]，目的在於避免單音節音步出現在句末。至於聲調制約，筆者採用IDENT-BOT來處理三音節音步的變調結果。此外，焦點韻律結構的劃分會造成兩個相鄰的上聲出現在不同的音步之中，OCP-L(ft)可以確保此形式的保留。簡言之，本文藉由優選理論的觀點，以及韻律制約和聲調制約的互動，對華語焦點變調提出了一個整體分析。 / This thesis examines Mandarin focal tone sandhi among Taiwan youngsters. Three types of sentences are under investigation: Type A includes the focused auxiliary verbs and adverbs in a simple sentence, Type B the flat structure, and Type C the other types of structures. Under the framework of Optimality Theory, this thesis proposes prosodic constraints and tonal constraints to account for Mandarin focal tone sandhi. This thesis adopts Cophonology Theory to explain the subgrammars of focal phrasings. There are two types of focal phrasing patterns governed by the reranking of two sets of alignment constraints (ALIGN-L(F, FP), ALIGN-L(FP, Ft)) and (ALIGN-R(F, FP), ALIGN-R(FP, Ft)). The focal phrase pertains to a special kind of intonational phrase. This thesis proposes ALIGN-E(FP, IP) to explain this condition. The undominated constraint, [FTMIN & NON-FINALITY], is proposed to ban a monosyllabic foot in sentence-final positions. IDENT-BOT is adopted to deal with the tri-tonal strings such as (σ(σσ)) and ((σσ)σ) in non-focal and focal readings. In addition, focal phrasing may force adjacent L tones to appear in different feet. OCP-L(ft) is proposed to explain this situation. To conclude, based on the constraint-based theory, and the interaction of prosodic constraints and tonal constraints, this thesis has provided a theoretical generalization of Mandarin focal tone sandhi.

本篇論文嘗試以非派生和派生兩種不同結構基礎的優選理論來分析臺灣閩南語仔前變調以及暱稱仔詞綴變調。非派生的優選理論認為聲調改變僅需一個步驟就可以完成。仔前和暱稱仔詞綴音節本身都有兩種讀法，不同的變異體可透過共同音韻模型 (Cophonological model) 下的次文法，也就是制約的重新排序來解釋。本篇研究認為調素傳替與否是仔前音節不同聲調的來源，透過 SHARE (t) 和 NOLONG (t) 兩種制約的排序，可以預測調素是否傳替。另外，透過 SHARE，NOLONG 和 TONAL MARKEDNESS 三種制約的互動和階層性的排序，可以預測暱稱仔詞綴的變調兩讀。派生優選理論則認為仔前和暱稱仔詞綴的聲調變化是一種階段性，而且是一種趨向最佳化的改變，亦即每一個步驟的輸出值都比上一個步驟的還來的優質，為仔前和暱稱仔詞綴變調提供另一個理論詮釋的觀點。在派生優選理論的框架下，仔前變調需要三個步驟，亦即一般變調、調域傳替以及調素傳替的有無。暱稱仔詞綴變調也是需要三個步驟，第一是沒有聲調徵性的聲調加插；第二是調域傳替或是低調域加插；第三是調素傳替或是低聲調徵性的加插。同樣的， 透過 SHARE (t) 和 NOLONG (t) 的排序，可以預測仔前音節的不同聲調。透過 SHARE，NOLONG，TONAL MARKEDNESS 和 REGISTER MARKEDNESS 的排序， 可以預測暱稱仔詞綴的不同聲調。 / This thesis attempts to analyze the pre-a1 tone change and hypocoristic -a2 suffix tone change in Taiwan Southern Min from the perspective of Optimality Theory and Harmonic Serialism, a derivational version of Classic OT. Classic OT, which implements parallelism, explicates the tone change phenomenon in one-step fashion. The two tonal variants of the pre-a1 and -a2 syllables can be accounted for through the constraint re-ranking in Cophonology Theory. The interaction between SHARE (t) and NOLONG (t) determines whether the terminal toneme will perform spreading in the pre-a1 tone change. In the -a2 suffix tone change, the interaction amongst SHARE, NOLONG and TONAL MARKEDNESS determines whether -a2 will receive a tone spread from the neighboring TBU or associate with a default L. Harmonic Serialism, which assumes harmonic improvement over the course of serial derivation, provides an alternative treatment for the pre-a1 tone change and -a2 suffix tone change. In Harmonic Serialism, the pre-a1 tonal alternation proceeds with three steps, viz. regular tone sandhi, register spreading and terminal toneme spreading. -a2 suffix tone change also requires three steps in terms of Harmonic Serialism, that is, featureless tone insertion in the first step; register spreading or low register insertion in the second step; and toneme spreading or low tonal feature insertion in the final step. Likewise, the ranking conditions between SHARE (t) and NOLONG (t) predict whether toneme will spread in the pre-a1 tone change. In the -a2 suffix tone change, the alternative rankings among SHARE, NOLONG, TONAL MARKEDNESS and REGISTER MARKEDNESS decide the application of tone spreading or default L insertion.

本文調查年輕世代 (1988 至 1995 年間出生者) 閩南語的變調範域 (Tone Sandhi Domain)，即調群 (Tone Group)。文中以「傳統調群」表文獻記載的變調範域，以「新調群」表本文重新調查的變調範域。論文的研究立基於音韻句法互動之上，並持間接指涉假設觀點，從韻律音韻學的角度出發，認為句法音韻間存有一韻律介面，且調群為此介面上的韻律單位：音韻詞組 (Phonological Phrase, ϕ)。 本文發現新調群與傳統調群的劃分相異。前人研究指出，調群邊界 (#) 標於音韻詞組右端，音韻詞組為一最大投射 XP，且不可為附加語及附著語。新調群僅部分可以傳統音韻詞組界定，其他則對應至句法上的主要語 X，以及附加語最大投射 XP。此外，新調群的邊界為選擇性地出現，具語言變異。新調群出現四種於傳統調群未見的劃分形式：依調群邊界前的語法單位分為主要語 X 類別：(1) V # NP # (2) V # QP # 及附加語 XP 類別： (3) QP # A # (4) AdvP # V #。 本文提出調群新定義，並以優選理論中的 ROE 模型進行分析，提出三個新制約：Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ)、ϕ-min 及 Align-R (X-head, ϕ)。Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) 用以區分功能性投射與詞彙性投射；ϕ-min 限制音韻詞組至少含兩音節；Align-R (X-head, ϕ) 解釋調群邊界標註於主要語 X 右端。分析時著重制約 Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) 、ϕ-min 及 Align-R (X-head, ϕ) 與切分線 | (Critical Cut-Off Line) 的關係。整體制約排序為：Ident-T-Rϕ | Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) >> ϕ-min >> Align-R (X-head, ϕ) >> *T >> Align-R (XP-Lex, ϕ)。除信實性制約 Ident-T-Rϕ 之外，其他標記性制約皆列於切分線之下，預測語言變異。 / The goal of this thesis is to explore the tone sandhi domain, tone group (hereafter, TG), of Taiwan Southern Min of younger generation. A corpus is built and analyzed within the framework of Prosodic Theory, a derived theory from the Phonology-Syntax Interface Theory. In the literature, TG boundary # was marked at the right edge of an XP which is neither an adjunct nor a clitic. However, the TG boundary # of younger generation is marked at the right edges of a maximal XP, an adjunctive XP and an X-head. Moreover, language variation is observed in the TG parsing: the presence of TG boundary # is optional. There are four TG parsings not observed in the literature: (1) V # NP # (2) V # QP # (3) QP # A # (4) AdvP # V #. TG is redefined as a Phonological Phrase which syntactically corresponds to a maximal XP, an adjunct XP, an X-head but not to a clitic XP. The four TG parsings are then analyzed with Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL (ROE), a subtheory within the Optimality Theory domain which particularly addresses language variation. According to ROE, constraints on the right side of critical cut-off line participate in the prediction of variation. Three constraints involving in variation are proposed: Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ), ϕ-min and Align-R (X-head, ϕ). Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) distinguishes lexical projection and functional projection, ϕ-min requires a Phonological Phrase to be minimally disyllabic, and Align-R (X-head, ϕ) predicts # to occur at the right edge of an X-head. The analysis centers around the three constraints’ relation with the critical cut-off line. The constraint rankings are: Ident-T-Rϕ | Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) >> ϕ-min >> Align-R (X-head, ϕ) >> *T >> Align-R (XP-Lex, ϕ). Except for the faithfulness constraint Ident-T-Rϕ, the other markedness constraints are arranged at the right side of the cut-off line in order to predict language variation.

本論文旨在探討閩南語的三種變調: (1)形容詞重疊變調 , (2) -a後綴變調,和 (3) 輕聲變調. 形容詞重疊變調是在 McCarthy & Prince (1986, 1990) 等人所發展出來的韻律構詞學( Prosodic Morphology) 理論框架下重新分析. 作者認為形容詞三疊是由抑揚格音步前綴而來, 而不是江文瑜教授(1992)所說的音節後綴; 此外,聲調扮演了構詞功能的角色. -a 後綴變調則是運用字構音韻學( Lexical Phonology)理論來分析的. 根據黃宣範教授(1988) 和連金發先生(1995)對-a後綴構詞特性的分類, 作者將-a後綴重新分為六類. 再觀察它們與音韻規則的互動關係, 主張-a後綴構應分屬於三個字構層次中, 此理論的層級排列( Level Ordering) 和嚴格循環論( Strict Cyclicity)也在本章獲得證實. 輕聲變調是採用韻律音韻學(Prosodic Phonology) 來分析的. 作者認為輕聲有兩個規律: 浮游低調展延和原調展延, 且運作於一個(強起)( left-leaded)的音韻片語中, 如此一來,簡化了煩雜的青聲句法結構. 兩個輕聲規律的不同展現於展延節點,方向,屬性,音節數目等方面. 本章的分析技巧也支持了韻律體係在語言系統中的必要性 / This thesis explores three kinds of special tone sandhi in Southern Min: (i) reduplicated adjective tone sandhi, (ii) -a suffix tone sandhi, and (iii)neutral tone sandhi. Reduplicated adjective tone sandhi is analyzed within the framework of prosodic morphology (McCarthy and Prince 1986, 1990). Unlike Chiang's (1992)suffix syllable template, the author argues that AAA is reduplicated by theprefixation of an iambic template.Following Yip (1980), tone may play a morphological role. -a suffix is discussed from the perspective of lehor argues that AAxical phonology. According to the morphological functions figured from Lien (1995) and Huang (1988), six categories of the suffix -a are distinguished. Through the interactions of morphological and phonological rules, the concepts of levelordering and strict cyclicity in lexical phonology are proved necessary in this language. Neutral tone sandhi is investigated in terms of prosodic phonology. Theauthor argues that the domain of neutral tone sandhi is a left-headed phonological phrase, which is more economical than previous syntactic approaches (Cheng 1968; Hong 1995). There are two neutral tone rules: thefloting low tone spreading and the base tone spreading. They are differentin spreading node, direction, order and so on. The analysis supports Yip'stwo-tiered tonal geometry andcallsfor the need of prosodic Hierachy in thelinguistic system.