本篇論文從語料庫及優選理論，分析台語中的日語借字，探討兩個語言之間的音韻調整現象。 本研究建立一個日語借字語料庫，以數據資料佐證音段替代的趨向，釐清音段替代的主要性和次要性。統計發現，單一日語音段，雖然可能被不同的台語音段取代，但由於比例差距的懸殊，日語和台語音段的對應情形，大多可視為一對一的關係。至於一對二的對應情形，則可歸因於台語音韻限制，或是對於借字和來源字之間音徵保留的要求。 基於語料庫的數據，本篇從優選理論分析日語和台語間的音韻調整現象。音段替代方面，主要歸因於IDENT[feature]，MAX，以及結構性制約(markedness constraint)之間的排序部署。另外，文中提出四個並存音韻，藉由調整MAX和IDENT[MR]之間，以及SHARE[back]和IDENT[anterior]之間的排序，解釋日語借字中的自由變異(free variation)現象。最後，受到IDENT[μ]和*[μμμ]的控制，相鄰兩個音節不會合併為一個，如果合併後發生音拍(mora)數量刪減或增加，或是產生一個含有二個音拍以上的音節。 / This thesis investigates the phonological adjustment of Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese. A corpus is established, and the statistics are provided to observe the substitute tendency of each of the Japanese sources. The use of the statistics properly explains whether a corresponding Taiwanese segment is either a regular substitute or merely an exception. Most of the Japanese segments are in one-to-one mapping when they are borrowed into Taiwanese. Some Japanese segments are in one-to-two mapping, due to either Taiwanese phonotatics or feature preservation between the sources and the loans, such as the phenomenon of reconfiguration. Besides, two adjacent syllables will combine to one, if the vowels are syllabified as a VG sequence after combination; in that event, the second syllable does not end with a nasal coda. Moreover, a glottal stop will insert to a word-final position if the penultimate syllable in a loanword ends with a vowel or a non-sonorant consonant. This analysis, based on the corpus, is conducted under the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004). For segmental substitutions, a set of IDENT[feature] is adopted to require the identity of certain features. The markedness constraints, regarding the segmental and place markedness and the Taiwanese phonotatics, are employed. High ranking of markedness constraints are responsible for adjustment of segments. Besides, re-rankings of SHARE[back] and IDENT[anterior] and MAX and IDENT[MR], are suggested. They are responsible for the substitutes that are in free variation. As for the contraction of syllables, it allows the loans and the sources to have the same numbers of moras. However, contraction is suspended, to prevent a syllable to have three or more moras.

本文以優選理論的觀點分析台灣漢語饒舌歌的節奏類型。主要論點包括三個部份：節拍對應、音節對應與韻句分析。本研究建立一個漢語饒舌歌語料庫，提出數據佐證分析，認為漢語饒舌歌的節奏類型不只一種，不同的節奏類型可透過並存音韻理論(Cophonology Theory)來解釋，另外，本文也提出浮動制約(Floating Constraints)來預測漢語饒舌歌中不同節奏型態出現的比例。在節拍對應方面，透過虛詞左向附著與其他制約的排序變化，可以篩選出音節與節拍不同的對應方式。在音節對應方面，當一韻句需要滿足簡單律時，就會產生音節跨越現象。而在韻句分析方面，透過左界對整(U,x)與其他制約的排序變化，可以預測兩韻句間之間隔1/2拍或1/4拍的例子。整體而言，本篇研究就漢語饒舌歌中豐富的節奏類型提出語料以及理論上的分析基準。 / This thesis analyzes the rhythmic structure of Chinese raps in Taiwan from the perspective of Optimality theory. Three factors are in order: the demibeats mapping, the syllable mapping and the utterance phrasing. The thesis adopts the corpus-based analysis. This thesis proposes that rhythmic variants can be accounted for through the constraint re-ranking in terms of the Cophonology Theory. The positing of floating constraints can then predict the percentages of the rhythmic variants. In demibeat mapping, the interaction between F-share-L(the left-adjunction of functors) and other constraints results in different ways of demibeat-syllable correspondence; in syllable mapping, Simplicity decides the syllable-straddling phenomenon. Finally, in utterance phrasing, the interaction between Align-L(U,x) and other constraints predicts different lengthens of the utterance breaks. To conclude, this thesis provided a corpus and theoretical basis for the rhythmic structures of Chinese raps.

本篇論文旨在從優選理論(Optimality Theory)來探討日語中的英語外來語。所研究的問題有四個，包括英語詞彙日語化過程中的語音代換(segmental substitutions)與音韻調整(phonological modifications)的現象，英語輔音韻尾促音化(consonant gemination)的現象，以及外來語截短(loanword truncation)現象的研究。在語音代換方面，基於過去以對比分析(Contrastive Analysis)的研究只重視英日語間音與音的對應，然共通語法(Universal Grammar)為當代語言學研究的主要目標，因此本文以優選理論這一針對共通語法所提出的當代音韻學理論中的制約(constraints)排行與違反的概念來重新分析。在本文中，語音代換主要是起因於共通語法下的音段標顯性制約(segmental markedness constraints)、極大性制約(MAX-IO)、及特徵一致性制約(IDENT[F] constraints)在日語語法中排行的結果。在音韻調整方面，日語主要是以元音添加(vowel epenthesis)來處理英語韻尾輔音及輔音群。過去的分析將元音添加視為是一種規則(rules)運作的結果，然這種分析仍需要制約的概念。有鑑於此，本文純以制約的排行與違反來分析這個現象。在本文中，音韻調整及元音添加主要是起因於共通語法下的一組音節結構完好性制約(syllable wel-formedness constraints)與極大性、依循性制約(DEP-IO)在日語中排行的結果所致。在英語韻尾輔音促音化方面，由於許多過去的研究將此一現象歸因於是模仿英語原字，特別是其閉音節結構的結果。根據此一看法，本文主張此一現象乃是起因於與韻尾輔音相關的音拍一致性制約(IDENT[m])因模仿英語原字這一目的而獲得優先被滿足權。也就是當其排行高於反孳生輔音制約(anti-gemination constraints)時，就會導致促音化的現象。在外來語的截短現象方面，過去學者的分析引發不少的問題，如Suzuki(1995)根據優選理論所提出的分析卻與Ito(1990)的統計結果相矛盾等。有鑑於此，本文作者亦進行外來語截短詞包括長度、音節類型、截短方向及重音等的統計。根據這一統計結果，本文將截短現象分成「最小截短」與「非最小截短」。兩者各由其相關的制約排行所控制。此外，本文並指出日語外來語的「最小截短」能驗證emergence of the unmarked (McCarthy and Prince 1994, 1995b, 1997)這一主張。 / This thesis aims to study English loanwords in Japanese within the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1993ab). It deals with four issues: the segmental substitutions and phonological modifications in loanword nativization, consonant gemination, and loanword truncation. The segmental substitutions are attributed mainly to the Japanese-specific ranking of the UG segmental markedness constraints, together with the higher ranked MAX-IO. The choices of substitute sounds are mainly determined by the rankings of lDENT[F] constraints in Japanese. The phonological modifications are attributed mainly to the Japanese-specific ranking of the UG syllable well-formedness constraints. In addition, vowel epenthesis as a way of modification is prompted by the dominance of MAX-10 over DEP-IO. As for consonant gemination, it is not motivated by any native requirements in Japanese, and thus results from a conscious effort to imitate English source forms by having lDENT[μ] acquire a priority to be respected. That is, when it dominates the anti-gemination constraints, consonant gemination takes place. Finally, on the basis of the statistical results, the present study distinguishes two kinds of truncation: the minimal and non-minimal truncations. In the minimal truncation, FTBIN and NONFIN(σ) are responsible for the accented LL and HL output patterns while in the non-minimal truncation WDBIN and MAX-BT lead to the unaccented four-mora outputs as well as LLL outputs.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(人間・環境学) / 甲第18368号 / 人博第681号 / 新制||人||163(附属図書館) / 25||人博||681(吉田南総合図書館) / 31226 / 京都大学大学院人間・環境学研究科共生人間学専攻 / (主査)教授 壇辻 正剛, 教授 齋藤 治之, 教授 服部 文昭, 教授 小倉 紀蔵 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Human and Environmental Studies / Kyoto University / DGAM

本篇論文旨在從優選理論（Optimality Theory）之框架背景來探討國、台語夾碼（Mandarin-Taiwanese Code-Mixing）時的連讀變調現象。由於此現象之探討涉及國語及台語之變調，本篇論文亦從優選理論之觀點來探討國語三聲變調（Mandarin Tone Sandhi）以及台語的變調（Taiwanese Tone Sandhi）。 在國語三聲變調方面，由於傳統派生（derivational）模式在處理國語三聲變調時，仍遺留了些許的問題。例如，無法以一致的方式來處理non-PP和PP的變調現象。本文主要針對這個問題，重新以優選理論的角度提出解決之道。文中分別提出了一組韻律制約（Prosodic Constraint）及一組聲調制約（Tonal Constraint）；根據這兩組制約，傳統派生模式所遺留下的缺失則得以獲得妥善的處理。 在台語變調方面，台語變調在傳統派生模式的探討中亦遺留下些許問題。例如，無法以一致的方式來處理non-adjunct和adjunct以及non-clitic和clitic的變調問題。本文根據優選理論，重新分析台語變調。文中分別提出了一組韻律制約及一組聲調制約；根據此兩組制約，則可以成功的免除傳統派生分析模式下的缺失。 國、台語夾碼時的變調是未曾被探討過的問題。本文先就國、台語夾碼時的變調，提出一個派生模式的分析。不過，以派生模式來處理國、台語夾碼變調時，遺留下必須限定國語變調規則和台語變調規則的運作次序這項缺點。因此，本文根據優選理論，重新分析了這個變調現象，並提出了一組聲調制約；這組聲調制約，配合國語及台語的韻律制約，得以成功的處理傳統派生模式所遺留下的問題。 / The present thesis is mainly devoted to the research issue of tone sandhi in Mandarin-Taiwanese code-mixing using an Optimality Theoretic (OT) Approach. Since the study of this code-mixed tone sandhi necessarily involves the tone sandhi rules of Mandarin and of Taiwanese, the tone sandhi phenomena in Mandarin and in Taiwanese are carefully discussed under OT as well. Tone sandhi in Mandarin has been widely studied by many Chinese linguistics under the derivational approach. This thesis argues that the previous analyses to Mandarin tone sandhi are inadequate and that an Optimality Theoretic approach is needed to account for tone sandhi in Mandarin. The inadequacy of the previous analyses comes from the common failure of offering a uniform solution to account for non-PP and PP word stings in Mandarin. Based on the Optimality Theory, this thesis proposes two sets of constraints to account for Mandarin tone sandhi; one is the prosodic constraints set and the other is the tonal constraints set. This thesis proves that these two constraints can successfully get rid of the problem left by the derivational tradition. Tone sandhi in Taiwanese is also widely studied by many Chinese linguistics under the derivational approach. This thesis argues that the previous analyses to Taiwanese tone sandhi are inadequate and that an Optimality Theoretic approach is needed to account for tone sandhi in Taiwanese. The inadequacy of the previous analyses comes from the fact that Taiwanese word strings with non-adjunct and adjunct structures as well as with non-clitic and clitic structures fail to be accounted for using a uniform solution. Based on the Optimality Theory, this thesis proposes two sets of constraints to account for Taiwanese tone sandhi; one is the prosodic constraints set and the other is the tonal constraints set. This thesis proves that these two constraints can successfully get rid of the problem left by the derivational tradition. Tone sandhi in Mandarin-Taiwanese code-mixing is a phenomenon that is very interesting but has not been studied before. This thesis thus offers a derivational analysis to this tone sandhi phenomenon first, where it is found that (1) in Mandarin-Taiwanese code-mixing, a Mandarin base tone can trigger Taiwanese tone sandhi and a Taiwanese low tone can trigger Mandarin tone sandhi, (2) in Mandarin-Taiwanese code-mixing, the Mandarin tone sandhi rule is sensitive to all and only the Mandarin tone sandhi domain and the Taiwanese tone sandhi rule is sensitive to all and only the Taiwanese tone sandhi domain, and (3) in Mandarin-Taiwanese code-mixing, the Taiwanese tone sandhi rule must apply before the Mandarin tone sandhi rule to derive the tonal output. However, since the demand for an extrinsic rule order between the tone sandhi rules of Mandarin and Taiwanese is inadequate, the tone sandhi phenomenon is reanalyzed under the framework of the Optimality Theory. A set of tonal constraints is proposed. According to the tonal constraints set, the inadequacy left by the derivational approach is successfully avoided.

本論文以優選理論分析六家饒平客語和寧都田頭客語雙音節詞之連讀變調，並藉由聲調內部結構說明變調的動機。在六家饒平客語方面，主要是呈現位置變調(positional tone sandhi)，較有標(more marked)的聲調位於前字時發生變調。另外，此方言的陽平和陽去因歷史演變，兩者的本調(citation tone)同為HH，但兩者因不同的變調形式而產生不同的變調(sandhi tone)。陽去的變調形式為位置變調，而陽平的變調形式為環境變調(contextual tone sandhi)。本文採用聯合制約(Local Constraint Conjunction)捕捉環境變調制約運作的環境。另外，運用「詞素特定音韻」(morpheme-specific phonology)標記聯合制約，解釋陽平和陽去不同的變調規則。在寧都田頭客語方面，變調受詞法結構影響，且兩個音節皆有可能發生變調。本文利用標記制約理論(indexed constraints approach)解釋不同結構的變調情形。另藉由位置信實制約不同的排序，嘗試說明聲調的保留屬於類型差異(typological differences)。而此方言的變調類型包含位置變調和環境變調，同樣要求較有標的聲調改變，並使用聯合制約說明在環境變調的情況下制約運作的環境。 / This thesis investigates the tone sandhi in Liujia Raoping Hakka and Ningdu Tiantou Hakka under the framework of Optimality Theory. The internal structure of the tone reveals the motivation and the mechanism of tone sandhi. In terms of the tone sandhi in Liujia Raoping Hakka, the universal tonal markedness tendency could be regarded as the motivation triggering the positional tone sandhi in the left syllable. Moreover, the morpheme-specific phonology is adapted to account for the tone sandhi of historical merged tones, Yangping and Yangqu. Yangping and Yangqu are both high level tones; however, they display different tone sandhi patterns. Yangping displays the contextual tone sandhi whereas Yangqu displays the positional tone sandhi. Local conjunction constraints are posited to restrict markedness constraints to specific contexts in order to account for the mechanism of contextual tone sandhi. On the other hand, in terms of the tone sandhi in Ningdu Tiantou Hakka, the tone sandhi is construction sensitive and takes place in both syllables. The indexed constraint approach is adopted to explain the tone sandhi in different constructions. In addition, the preservation of tone is argued to be the typological difference according to different rankings of the positional faithfulness constraints. Finally, the tonal markedness tendency motivates the positional tone sandhi and the conjoined constraints are posited to govern the contextual tone sandhi in this dialect.

本論文觀察台灣地區國語閩南口音，也就是俗稱的「台灣國語」中展現的單元音化以及擦音卸解現象，建立「台灣國語語料庫」作為本論文分析的基礎，並且從優選理論的觀點探討這些台灣國語音韻現象。 根據「台灣國語語料庫」的數據顯示，韻核後介音 /j/ 以及 /w/ 容易被語者刪除，韻核前介音 /j/ 以及 /w/ 則傾向被語者保留。輕擦音 /f/ 在台灣國語中常被卸解為 /hw/。 本文的分析認為，國語閩南口音是一種方言的變異，反映了閩南語以及國語的部份制約排序。當語者表現出明顯的閩南語口音時，反映出閩南語的部份制約排序；而語者的閩南語口音較不明顯時，則反映了國語的部份制約排序。 / This thesis investigates monophthongization and fricative reconfiguration in the Taiwanese Accent of Mandarin (TM), and establishes the TM corpus as the base of phonological analysis. The Optimality Theory approach is adopted to account for the phonological phenomenon of TM. As indicated by the TM corpus, the postnuclear glides /j/ and /w/ tend to be deleted in TM; the prenuclear glides /j/ and /w/ tend to be preserved in TM; and the fricative /f/ tend to reconfigurate as /hw/ in TM. Our analysis considers that TM is a dialectal variation which reflects the subgrammars of Taiwanese and Mandarin. When the speaker shows a clear Taiwanese accent, the partially ordered ranking of Taiwanese is reflected; and when the speaker shows no obvious Taiwanese accent, the partially ordered ranking of Mandarin is reflected.

傳統上認為以中文為母語的孩童並不具有「音位覺識能力」(phonemic awareness)，本研究以實驗方式直接測量以中文為母語孩童的「音位覺識能力」，同時探討孩童「音位覺識能力」及「聲母—韻母覺識能力」(onset-rime awareness) 在英文拼字與讀字上所扮演的角色。在本研究中，一百九十二位國小四年級的孩童參與二項「母語音韻覺識測驗」，包括「聲母/韻母異音測驗」(onset/rime oddity test) 和「韻腹/韻尾異音測驗」(nucleus/coda oddity test)。根據上述二項測驗的成績，將孩童分為三組：第一組孩童(共29人)，其「聲母—韻母覺識能力」和「音位覺識能力」皆佳；第二組孩童(共29人)，其「聲母—韻母覺識能力」佳，但「音位覺識能力」差；第三組孩童(共26人)，其「聲母—韻母覺識能力」和「音位覺識能力」皆差。我們接著利用「拼英文假字測驗」和「讀英文假字測驗」來測量三組孩童的英文拼字與讀字的能力，在施測之前，孩童們有八次的機會學會「拼字」與「讀字」兩項測驗所需具備的「字音對應規則」。結果顯示，雖然孩童的「音位覺識能力」在程度上有所不同，但以中文為母語的孩童已具備「音位覺識能力」。此外，在考慮了孩童們「記憶廣度」(digit span)與「英文聽話字彙」 (English receptive vocabulary)的差異後，「聲母—韻母覺識能力」和「音位覺識能力」皆佳的孩童，在拼字的表現上優於「聲母—韻母覺識能力」佳，但「音位覺識能力」差的孩童來，接著「聲母—韻母覺識能力」佳，但「音位覺識能力」差的孩童的拼字表現優於「聲母—韻母覺識能力」和「音位覺識能力」皆差的孩童。最後，「音位覺識能力」佳的的孩童，在讀字的表現上優於「音位覺識能力」差的的孩童，此外，並無證據顯示「聲母—韻母覺識能力」在孩童的讀字能力上扮演著重要的角色。整體而言，本研究的結果支持其他研究的看法，這些研究認為以中文為母語的孩童在母語習得過程中所發展出來的「音韻覺識能力」對於其英文拼字與讀字的能力上有著一定的貢獻，此外，本研究更進一步顯示，這種貢獻會隨著「音韻覺識」程度的不同而有所改變。 / It has been conventionally assumed that Chinese-speaking children do not have phonemic awareness. In this study, Chinese-speaking children’s phonemic awareness was empirically tested and its role, relative to onset-rime awareness, in the acquisition of English spelling and reading abilities was examined. Two L1 phonological awareness tests (i.e., an onset/rime oddity test and a nucleus/coda oddity test) were administered to a total of 192 Chinese-speaking fourth-graders. The children were selected and categorized based on their performances on the two L1 phonological awareness tests: 29 children with good onset-rime awareness and good phonemic awareness, 29 children with good onset-rime awareness but poor phonemic awareness, and 26 children with poor onset-rime awareness and poor phonemic awareness. The three groups of children were then tested on their abilities to spell and read English pseudowords. Before taking the English pseudoword spelling and reading tasks, the children were provided with eight opportunities to master the requisite letter-sound knowledge for the success in spelling and reading the pseudowords. The results showed that Chinese-speaking children demonstrated phonological awareness at the phonemic level, though varying in degree. Considered along with individual differences in digit span and English receptive vocabulary, children with better phonological awareness at both the onset-rime level and the phonemic level performed better in English pseudoword spelling than children with better onset-rime awareness but poorer phonemic awareness, who in turn, performed better than children with poorer phonological awareness at both levels. Finally, children with better phonemic awareness outperformed the other two groups of children with poorer phonemic awareness in pseudoword reading. Onset-rime awareness did not seem to play a significant role in pseudoword reading. These results support and extend other studies suggesting that the acquisition of English spelling and reading abilities in Chinese-speaking children benefits from the phonological awareness obtained during the course of first language acquisition and that the beneficial effect varies with the levels of phonological awareness.