La Côte d’Ivoire, pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest prospère et stable depuis le début de l’indépendance de 1960, bascule dans une longue et douloureuse guerre, le 24 décembre 1999, à la suite d’une mutinerie de soldats. S’en suit alors un intense ballet diplomatique visant à rétablir la paix et la Côte d’Ivoire assiste alors à plusieurs tentatives de médiation internationale. Cette recherche vise à comprendre la notion de succès en médiation en proposant de modéliser le conflit ivoirien à partir d’un modèle de la théorie des jeux, celui du dilemme du prisonnier. / Often cited as a model of peace and stability, Ivory Coast, a West African economic powerhouse, was embroiled in a civil war in September 2002 that disrupted the institutional order. During this time, the country was divided into the Southern and Northern zones. The former, a coastal area, is referred to as the "Governmental Zone". The Northern is the area that was captured in September 2002, by a few thousand army mutineers. Between the two North and South divide lies the buffer zone called the Zone de confiance, which served as a military buffer zone between the North and the South. How did the division occur? How did the several mediation work? Could we ensure that the signing of a peace agreement guaranteed a mediation success?

O presente trabalho apresenta uma discussão a respeito da pertinência da institucionalização da mediação, do ponto de vista de uma política pública que visa a promoção de uma mentalidade voltada para a \"cultura da paz\". Neste eixo, cuida de pontuar o que é paz e cultura de paz, bem como propõe uma desconstrução de paz na filosofia e nas expressões simbólicas do termo, nas diversas tradições. Também analisa algumas falas referentes à mediação e a hábitos de litigiosidade brasileira, para relativizar a construção teórica de que, necessariamente, a mediação é o meio alternativo de conflito que expressa uma cultura de paz e uma postura emancipatória de uma sociedade. A crise de Justiça é frequentemente apontada pela doutrina como ponto de partida para uma política pública de implantação de alternativas para o processo e para a sentença. Por isso, para as discussões propostas, analisa-se também alguns dados estatísticos referentes à crise de administração de Justiça, para compreender suas características, tais como quais setores ou instâncias são mais demandados no Poder Judiciário, quais setores apresentam maior estoque de processos, qual o tamanho da máquina Judiciária para enfrentar este estoque, quais assuntos mais demandados e quais a população tem maior predisposição a demandar. Estes dados são úteis e relevantes, na medida em que, se o trabalho argumenta que o formato do sistema de soluções de conflitos se relaciona com o arcabouço político e cultural, então estes dados permitem uma leitura da máquina judiciária a partir do cenário brasileiro. / This paper presents a discussion about the relevance of the institutionalization of mediation, from the perspective of public policy aimed at the promotion of a mindset focused on \"culture of peace\". From this point of view, it aims to settle what is peace and a culture of peace, as well as proposes a deconstruction of peace in philosophy and in the symbolic expressions of the word, as translated in other cultural traditions. It also analyzes a few speeches related to mediation and Brazilian litigation habits, to relativize the theoretical construction in which mediation necessarily means a method related to a culture of peace and expresses an emancipatory stance of a society. Scholars often point out the crisis of Justice as a starting point for a public policy of deploying alternatives to the process and for the sentence. So, for the present discussion, this paper will analyze some statistical data relating to the administration of Justice, in order to understand its features, such as, which sectors or instances in Judiciary are more demanded, which sectors feature largest inventory of processes, how the judiciary system is approaching this number of processes, what are the subjects that society demands more, and where the population has a greater predisposition to demand. These data are useful and relevant because if the work argues that the engineering of the system relates to the political and cultural framework, so these data enable a reading of the judicial machine from the Brazilian scenario.

This thesis seeks to reorient the ideological foundations of restorative justice through feminist epistemologies to explore possibilities of how the movement might more fully actualize its values. The Three Pillars of Restorative Justice, conceptualized by Howard Zehr, offer an alternative process to the punitive recourse of the criminal justice system and serve as the foundation of mainstream restorative practices. However, the praxis and analytical discourse have stalled due to the limited binary of criminal and restorative justice frameworks. My thesis uses methodologies prominent in Black and Native feminisms-- such as critical thinking, contextual intelligence, and imagining futurity-- to complicate assumptions embedded in the criminal/restorative justice relationship. I establish the framework of restorative justice and briefly summarize the essential paradoxes to make clear the parallels and limits of the relationship. I then use feminist methodologies to reinterpret the pillars' values and introduce how some activists have begun to reimagine justice.

Collaboration is touted as a solution to modern challenges in education, but the difficulties of establishing truly collaborative communities are many. From a conflict-resolution lens, collaboration requires both assertiveness and cooperation (high preference for both completing tasks and maintaining relationships). This study uses surveys and interviews to explore the ways that teachers balance task and relationship orientations in resolving conflict between themselves and the impact that teachers’ behaviors while in conflict have on collaboration. Specifically, this study examines the role that trust, relationships, and process norms play in encouraging collaborative behaviors. Results suggest that teachers’ perceived ineffectiveness with conflict resolution and the fear of damaging relationships discourage open communication. Consequently, focusing on trust and relationship building does little to promote authentically collaborative exchanges. Instead, the perception of available time and a familiar process for raising concerns with colleagues are more likely to promote open communication and more authentic collaboration.

A qualitative research design served to explore the effects of human resource policies in the workplace with narratives developed from a group of 15 women comprising African immigrants and their U.S counterparts in Oregon through analysis and interpretation of data from one-on-one interviews. The findings suggest that human resource policies in the workplace greatly impact women's work experiences. This study explored major factors such as pay difference, language and communication proficiency, cultural/religious differences, skill transferability and employment skill prejudice and discrimination and working conditions. Despite women's qualifications, competence and belief that equal skill mean equal opportunity, the strictures of human resource work policies makes it harder to excel in the workplace. Work experience and policies in Africa and America differ, and life circumstances of African women are distinctively different from those of their U.S counterparts. The analysis concludes with recommendations and implication for employers, managers, and human resource personnel.

Diante da violência moral promovida pela prática da discriminação racial no ambiente escolar, a presente pesquisa tem como objetivo investigar a representação que estudantes têm de tal prática, bem como os valores e sentimentos subjacentes a ela. Utilizando como referencial teórico-metodológico a Teoria dos Modelos Organizadores do Pensamento, foi apresentado um conflito representando tal violência moral a 120 estudantes entre meninos e meninas do 9º ano do Ensino Fundamental de escolas públicas uma municipal e outra estadual da cidade de São Paulo. O conflito apresentado foi dividido em três situações, sob a forma de dez questões, que abrangem aspectos relacionados aos pensamentos, sentimentos e ações dos protagonistas. Das respostas às questões relacionadas à ação, foram extraídos os modelos organizadores com os quais, posteriormente, foram relacionados e analisados os sentimentos apresentados. A partir dos resultados obtidos, deparamo-nos com inúmeras possibilidades de reflexões, que suscitam discussões sobre os seguintes aspectos: o funcionamento psíquico do indivíduo submetido à prática da discriminação racial, suas implicações no processo educativo e a importância da intervenção consciente do (a) educador (a). / Facing the moral violence promoted by the practice of racial discrimination in the school environment, the present research aims to investigate the representation that students have of such practice, as well as its underlying values and feelings. Using as theoretical-methodological reference the Theory of Organizing Models of Thought, a conflict representing such moral violence was presented to 120 students between boys and girls in the 9th year of Elementary Education in public schools one municipal and the other state, in the city of São Paulo. The conflict shown was divided into three situations, in the form of ten questions covering aspects related to the thoughts, feelings and actions of the protagonists. From the answers to the questions related to action, organizing models were extracted, and subsequently used to list and analyze the feelings presented. Starting from the results obtained, we came across innumerable possibilities for reflections, giving rise to discussions on the following aspects: the psychological functioning of the individual who has been subjected to the practice of racial discrimination, its implications in the educational process and the importance of conscious intervention from the educator.

Much of the academic - and popular - literature on the South African negotiations process focuses on the two principal players, the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party Government. A significant number of other political groupings were vying for influence at this time and although they would not fare well electorally in 1994, their influence and also their symbolic importance has been overlooked. Four groupings that have found themselves on the margins of the South African transition are the subject of this thesis: The white right wing (Afrikaner Volksunie, the Conservative Party, the Freedom Front); the homelands (in particular Bophuthatswana, KwaZulu and Transkei), the Democratic Party (DP) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC). All four of these political groupings were deeply involved in the transition process and critically, offered very different options and scenarios for the future. These included alternative visions of a federal South African state, a more independent judiciary, stronger provincial powers and greater degrees of cultural and territorial self-determination. For some of the parties - notably the PAC- the compromises reached in the constitution around property rights were unacceptable. In the case of the PAC, Inkatha and some far-right Afrikaner groupings, there was a turn to violence - even if not always sanctioned by leadership - that had an important impact on conditioning the settlement. The differing trajectories and prescriptions of these groupings offer up important lessons regarding the history of the negotiations period, the potential for alternative pathways during this time as well as the deficiencies of the current constitutional order. The histories of these marginal groupings on the sidelines of a historic settlement speak to longstanding fault lines in South Africa's political discourse, including the role and salience of liberalism, socialism and ethno-nationalism in the post-apartheid era.

The study focuses on the north and south Sudan conflict and seeks to investigate the continuing threats to a return to war between the two parties since the 2005 Sudan Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and after the independence of South Sudan. The study critically analyses the CPA and investigates the dilemmas faced by the two Sudans and examines the conflict resolution/transformation process. This thesis relies on data generated from key informant interviews and archival data as primary sources; complemented by secondary sources of data obtained from books, journals, research documents and relevant literature on the area. The study analyses the background of the north-south Sudan conflict, analysis of the CPA, implications of the negotiation, mediation and the implementation processes of the CPA and the referendum, post-referendum, the post-independence issues and the conflict resolution efforts. These are discussed in order to find the reasons as to why the CPA emerged as it did and its effectiveness. The study uses the concept of the conflict resolution/transformation approaches and their methods (mediation, negotiation and peacebuilding), the Galtung ABC theory and the Liberal peace theory as tools to guide the study in order to measure the data collected from the field. The results of the analysis suggest that history, the mediation and the negotiation process viewed to have been narrow and non-inclusive, the content of the CPA itself, the problems of the previous processes before the referendum, the referendum of Southern Sudan and the Abyei referendum failure provided the basis of the origins of the post-referendum and the post-independence issues. These issues are responsible for the dilemmas faced by the two states and eventually the tensions and the threats to a return to war which exist up to the present. All these issues lie at the heart of the difficulties of the conflict resolution process and the relationship problem of North and South Sudan. However, the 2005 CPA had partial success in that it achieved partial negative peace which in turn led to the separation of north and south Sudan.

A dissertação de mestrado intitulada \"A paz e o recurso à violência no Reino dos Francos: os mecanismos de resolução de conflito no período merovíngio (séculos VI - VII)\" tem como objeto central a questão do caráter dos meios de resolução de conflito no período merovíngio: público, provenientes de uma autoridade comprometida com a manutenção da ordem; ou privado, emanados dos laços de solidariedade entre os diversos grupos de parentesco presentes nesse reino. O fundamento de tal problema reside nas diversas interpretações, presente na historiografia sobre o período, sobre o papel exercido pelo poder real na resolução dos conflitos. Alguns dos estudos, próximos da antropologia jurídica, apontam que a realeza não possuiria o poder para controlar as disputas e a violência, as quais seriam controladas através da \'faida\'. Outros, apontam que o rei merovíngio seria o responsável por levar fim as discórdias, através da instituição de códigos normativos e da delegação de seu poderes judiciários à um corpo de funcionários. Essa distinção nos estudos teria como causa distintas interpretações, por um lado, do sentido dos relatos de violência presentes nos \'Decem libri historiarum\' de Gregório de Tours, e por outro, da natureza do \'Pactus legis salicae\'. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa apresentada na dissertação busca, através da reflexão sobre essas fontes à luz dos estudos mais recentes sobre elas e da análise dos cânones dos concílios e das \'formulae Andecavenses\', posicionar-se de maneira crítica em relação a ambas concepções da realeza merovíngia. / The Master\'s dissertation entitled \"Peace and the use of violence in the Kingdom of Francs: mechanisms of conflict resolution in the Merovingian period (centuries VI - VII)\" has as its main object the question of the character of the forms of conflict resolution in the Merovingian period: public, result of the action of an authority concerned with the groups of that society. The fundament of that problem lies in the different interpretations, present in the historiography, of the role of the royal power in the conflict resolution. Some studies, related with the anthropology of law, outpoint that the royalty didn\'t has the means to control the disputes and the violence, whose were controlled by the feud. Other works, indicate that the Merovingian king was the sole responsible for the end of disputes, through the institution of law codes and the delegation of judiciary power to a body of functionaries. This distinction in the studies were caused by the distinct interpretations of, by one side, the meaning of the violence in the narrative of the \'Decem libri historiarum\' of Gregory of Tours, and, by another, the nature of thses sources, guided by the most recent researches in the field, and the investigation of the canons of the councils and the \'formulae Andecavenses\', to position himself critically within the discussion of the both conceptions of Merovingian royal power.

O presente trabalho investiga as representações que alunas e alunos têm sobre a violência moral, no contexto escolar. Entendemos violência moral como as pressões psicológicas presentes nas relações interpessoais entre os estudantes, que incluem as humilhações, xingamentos, as ameaças, a exclusão, as perseguições sistemáticas dentro de uma situação desigual, ainda que circunstancial, de poder. Há uma região de intersecção na acepção de violência moral que assumimos e os conceitos de incivilidade, micro-violências e bullying também abordados neste trabalho. No estudo dessas representações, buscamos compreender o universo das relações no interior da escola e, particularmente, das relações entre meninos e meninas em sua interface com o fenômeno da violência moral. Este trabalho utilizou como parâmetro de análise teórica e metodológica a Teoria dos Modelos Organizadores do Pensamento e foi desenvolvido em dois âmbitos diferentes e complementares: análise do referencial teórico e pesquisa de campo. Nossa amostra foi composta por noventa e seis adolescentes, sendo quarenta e oito meninas e quarenta e oito meninos, de 7ª série do Ensino Fundamental e do 2º ano do Ensino Médio, estudantes de uma escola pública e de uma escola privada, ambas localizadas na zona sul em São Paulo. Utilizamos como instrumento a resolução de conflitos numa cena do cotidiano escolar envolvendo violência moral. Com objetivo de investigar as possíveis diferenças entre meninas e meninos, o instrumento teve duas versões diferentes para ser apresentado a estudantes de cada um dos sexos. A aplicação das questões, a partir da leitura da cena, foi realizada em um único encontro com cada um dos grupos de sujeitos. Encontramos diferenças significativas nas representações femininas e masculinas em relação ao fenômeno da violência moral, especialmente no que diz respeito à percepção da ação esperada do sexo oposto nessas situações. Esse resultado nos intima a uma reflexão cuidadosa a respeito da forma como temos orientado nossos alunos e alunas no manejo de situações conflitivas, bem como, nos convida a rever arraigadas condutas sexistas, que reforçam os estereótipos de gênero construídos social e historicamente, em nossa prática educativa no interior da escola. / The present work investigates the representations which female and male students have about moral violence, inside the school environment. We understand as moral violence the psychological pressures present within the interpersonal relationships among the students, which include humiliations, cursing, threats, exclusion, systematic persecutions within an unbalanced situation of power, even if circumstantial. There is a point of intersection of the concept of moral violence, which we work with, with the concepts of incivilities, microviolences and bullying, also dealt with within this work. In the study of these representations, we have tried to understand the universe of the relationships within the school and, particularly, of the relationships between girls and boys in their interface with the moral violence phenomenon. This work has used as its parameter of theoretical and methodological analysis the Theory of the Organizing Models of Thinking and it was developed into two different and complementary ambits: analysis of the theoretical references and field research. Our sample consisted of ninety-six teenagers, forty-eight girls and forty-eight boys, from the 7th grade of the Elementary School and from the 2nd grade of Secondary School, students from a state school as well as from a private school, both schools situated in the southern region of São Paulo city. We have used as instrument of data collection the resolution of conflicts in an ordinary daily school scene, involving moral violence. With the objective of investigating the possible differences between girls\' and boys\' representations, the instrument had two different versions to be presented to the students of each of the sexes. The application of the questions, based on the understanding of the scene, was accomplished in a single meeting with each of the groups of subjects. We have found significant differences between female and male representations in relation to the phenomenon of moral violence, especially those concerned with the perception of the action expected from the opposing sex in such situations. This result impels us towards a careful consideration for the way in which we have been orientating our female and male students in dealing with conflicting situations. Furthermore, it invites us to reconsider deep-rooted sexist behavior, which reinforces the stereotypes of gender - which are socially and historically built - in our educational practices within the school.