The partition of India that accompanied that nation's independence in 1947 created the additional state of Pakistan; by 1971, this Pakistan had fractured into the two independent states of Pakistan and Bangladesh. This dissertation seeks to expand our temporal and spatial understanding of the sub-continent's partitioning by examining the experiences of a group of South Asian Muslims across time and space. As this dissertation will show, South Asia's partitioning includes more than the official history of boundary creation and division of assets, and more than the people's history of unbridled violence. I have oriented my investigation around a single institution, the Aligarh Muslim University, and spoken to former students of the 1940s and 1950s, whose young lives were shaped by the independence and partition of India. The memories of these former students of Aligarh University offer a lens for examining the "multiple realities" of partition and the decolonized experiences of South Asian Muslims. The educational institution at Aligarh, founded in 1875, had long been concerned with cultivating a sporting, activist, masculine identity among its students; Muslim League leaders further empowered that identity as they recruited students for election work in support of Pakistan. The students embraced the values of the demand for Pakistan that appeared to be consistent with the values engendered at Aligarh. This dissertation uncovers the history of these students throughout the 1947 partition and beyond. It explores unexpected histories of trauma among communities who "chose to stay" but later experienced a powerful discontinuity in independent India. It exposes contradictions evident in remembered histories from Pakistanis who express triumph and grief at the prospect of Pakistani independence. Finally, this dissertation assesses the position of Muslims after partition and how the "disturbances" that began in the late 1940s continue to affect them today in both lived and remembered experience. As a site for examining the "disturbances" of partition, Aligarh University proves to be a hub of a community that was and remains deeply disturbed by the changes partition wrought. / text

This thesis seeks to understand the relationship between decentralized service delivery arrangements and the institutional performance of local government in Pakistan. This is achieved by examining the structures and processes associated with local governance, and situating public sector organizations in their wider context. The key aim of this thesis was to empirically evaluate the relationship between decentralization and institutional performance. The thesis contends that problem of service delivery can only be understood by examining the whole system of service delivery. Although, the focus of the research was on public sector management, however, it is argued that public sector organizations cannot be separated from their political environment. To address this concern, the thesis developed a conceptual framework based on three theoretical perspectives; the economic, political and New Public Management. Each perspective focused on a different level of analysis and identified a different way of explaining the phenomenon of decentralization and its impact on institutional performance. The study utilised a comprehensive research methodology to study the link between decentralization and performance through a multiple case study approach. The main empirical elements of the research were a community survey of two communities in two local authorities, an organizational survey of two sectors - education and water and sanitation. Detailed semi-structured interviews were undertaken with multiple stakeholders at various levels of service delivery. The research findings indicate that there is a relationship between decentralization and institutional performance; however the contextual environment plays a significant role in affecting the performance of service provision. The empirical findings indicate that decentralization reforms in developing countries remain focused on structural decentralization and need strong political and bureaucratic commitment for real autonomy to be transferred down the hierarchy. One implication of this research is that it provided a comprehensive assessment of the decentralized service delivery model in Pakistan and identified the nature of reforms developing countries are taking up and the constraints on public sector organizations, and hence contributed to the emerging literature on public management reforms in developing countries (McCourt 2008, McCourt, Martin 2001).

This thesis examines the relative effectiveness of monetary and fiscal policy in Pakistan by utilizing an open economy framework. There is a great need for research about the effectiveness of macroeconomic policies as the knowledge of the relative importance of monetary and fiscal policy could prove useful to policymakers and help them understand the macroeconomic adjustment processes of these policy measures.

Typescript (photocopy). / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

Cette thèse examine l'origine, le mécanisme et la mobilisation du nationalisme ethnique au Pakistan. Depuis sa création en 1947, le Pakistan a souffert d'un manque de consensus ethnique important face aux projets de construction nationale et consolidation de l'État du Centre. Les mouvements et partis ethniques du Pakistan sont un reflet important de la résistance sociétale contre l'hégémonie perçue de l'Etat. À l'heure actuelle, le Pakistan abrite plusieurs mouvements ethniques qui sous-tendent la grande désaffection avec les politiques de l'État. L'objet de cette thèse portera sur deux de ces mouvements, à savoir les nationalismes ethniques Sindhi et Siraiki. Au-delà de l'étude des mouvements et dirigeants nationalistes, cette thèse propose également une étude sur les courants plus larges de la politique partisane et du comportement électoral dans les provinces du Sindh et du sud du Punjab. / This dissertation examines the origin, mechanism and mobilization of ethnic nationalism in Pakistan. From its inception in 1947, Pakistan has suffered from a serious lack of ethnic consensus in the face of nation-building and state-consolidation projects of the Center. The ethnic movements and parties of Pakistan are an important reflection of societal resistance against the perceived hegemony of the state. At present, Pakistan is home to several ethnic movements underlying the broad disaffection with the policies of the state. The focus of this dissertation will be on two of these movements, i.e. the Sindhi and Siraiki ethnic nationalisms. Going beyond the study of nationalist movements and leaders, this dissertation will also engage with the broader currents of party politics and electoral behavior in Sindh and south Punjab.

As China’s economy and international prominence continues to grow, Beijing is now, more than ever, developing its inner and Western provinces, including Xinjiang. Its interests in Xinjiang extend to the greater South and Central Asian region as China continues to form diplomatic alliances and economic ties with its bordering neighbors. In particular, China’s move to the west and the recent designation of Kashgar as a Special Economic Zone has been an important factor for Beijing’s deepening relations with Pakistan, it’s gateway not only to South Asia but also to the greater Central Asian region. This paper will examine the steps China is taking to establish Xinjiang as a major trade and transport hub in the “New Central Asia,” and how the city of Kashgar is being developed to facilitate significant transnational trade and development with Pakistan. It will also examine China’s recent investments and development projects in Pakistan and how its neighbor in South Asia is now one of its most important allies in the region. It will posit that China’s thirst for energy resources, namely oil and natural gas from Central Asia and the Middle East, has prompted Beijing to place more emphasis on maintaining and deepening relations with Pakistan. Moreover, this paper will assess how Sino- Pakistani relations in the 21st are affecting China’s relations with India, especially in regards to Christopher Pehrson’s “String of Pearls” concept. This thesis will focus on two major case studies: the establishment of Kashgar as an SEZ and the development of the Gwadar Port in Southern Pakistan, and will show that in many regards, both projects are facing the same development problems.

This dissertation discusses with both the teaching and testing systems associated with the language of Arabic in Pakistan. This study does not only discuss the pedagogical issues of teaching this language in Pakistan, but it also highlights the importance of it being a symbolic language and the resultant symbolic interpretation. The focus of the study is the translation and interpretation of the Arabic language and how it has affected socio-political aspects, in general, and linguistic issues, in particular, in Pakistan. Due to the Arabic language, linguistic symbolism has brought a distinctive intervention in the society. Arabic, as a symbolic language, has promoted a parallel ideological perspective in Pakistan. This study was conducted in four phases. The first phase was empirical and it started in 2009 with the translation and teaching of the book entitled, “Modern Stan-dard Arabic: An Elementary-Intermediate Course” to the Arabic-language students in Lahore, Pakistan. The second phase was to evaluate the translation and teaching of the book with the help of pre- teaching and post-teaching assessments. The third phase of the research was to understand the scope of the Arabic language as it exists in Pakistan with the help of the survey method. The researcher interviewed 220 conveniently selected respondents in Lahore and Multan, Pakistan. The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) was used to analyze the three types of data (pre-teaching, post-teaching and the scope of the Arabic language). The fourth phase of the research was to analyze the data that comprised the research report. The study revealed that a significant majority (80%) of the respondents were interested in learning Arabic because it is the language of the Holy Qur’an and Islam. It also showed that people also wish to learn the Arabic language in order to secure employment in the Middle-Eastern and in the Arabian Gulf countries. The respondents also reported that they want to learn the Arabic language because of its rich literature of history, science and culture. However, the respondents were at odds with the traditional method of teaching and testing the Arabic language. As a result, these students were learning less language but more ideological construct in the name of Arabic. This pedagogical problem has serious consequences. The study also found that the “Modern-Standard Arabic: An Elementary-Intermediate Course” is an excellent resource to use to change the traditional peda-gogical skills. It ascertained that people shifted their traditional perspective of the Arabic learning for religious purposes to the “living language”, the language of everyday conversation. The students of the course ranked the “Modern Standard Arabic” high as compared to the traditional methods of teaching. However, they also had trouble and these were highlighted in the dissertation. This research gleaned that Madrasas (religious schools) in Pakistan were the major source of the Arabic-language teaching in Pakistan. These Madrasas teach with traditional methods and imparted a vested interest-based interpretation of the religion. In this way, the Arabic language as it existed in Pakistan did not give real linguistic meaning to the students but rather give a single-dimension perspective of the religion to the students. This inadequate teaching of the language has simultaneously promoted less tolerance and has expanded the extremist point of view in Pakistan. The language, in other words, seems to be a breeding ground of the extremism that appears to prevalent in Pakistan and thereby gives a misguided version of the language to the members of the society. The second source of Arabic-language teaching in Pakistan was the public-sector universities. These universities were training students to become religious scholars rather than linguistics or translators/interpreters of the Arabic language. The focus of the syllabi of the universities promoted Islamic Arabic literature and the Middle-Eastern perspective of Islam. However, a few of the universities were promoting some level of standard Arabic and Arabic language. Nevertheless, linguistic Arabic as such was virtually non-existent and people regard the language of English as a linguistic subject. Theoretically, ‘Arabic’ has not been treated as a living language in Pakistan. On the one hand, even native-Arabic societies did not take into account the importance of the Arabic language and they hardly emphasize the standardization of it. Native-speaking Arabic scholars have rarely developed theoretical perspectives of the Arabic language or have contributed to its linguistic theory, on the other hand. This state of affairs has developed pedagogical illusions regarding language and linguistics. This dissertation argues that Arabic is a ‘living language’ and that to incorporate it as such a lot of work needs to be done. A standardization of both the language itself and the systems of teaching and testing it needs to be developped. This language re-quires a modernized perspective, both pedagogically as well as linguistically. Theatrically, Arabic requires linguistic perspectives in order to address the pedagogical illusion. Generally, these scientific developments are lacking in the Arabic language. The result is the misinterpretation, confusion and vagueness that have left space for Arabic to be regarded simply as a symbolic language. This symbolic perspective has promoted a single dimension of the language, i.e. the ideological construct, but has also reduced the role as a language of translation and linguistic vigour.

This book discusses with both the teaching and testing systems associated with the language of Arabic in Pakistan. This study does not only discuss the pedagogical issues of teaching this language in Pakistan, but it also highlights the importance of it being a symbolic language and the resultant symbolic interpretation. The focus of the study is the translation and interpretation of the Arabic language and how it has affected socio-political aspects, in general, and linguistic issues, in particular, in Pakistan. Due to the Arabic language, linguistic symbolism has brought a distinctive intervention in the society. Arabic, as a symbolic language, has promoted a parallel ideological perspective in Pakistan. This study was conducted in four phases. The first phase was empirical and it started in 2009 with the translation and teaching of the book entitled, “Modern Standard Arabic: An Elementary-Intermediate Course” to the Arabic-language students in Lahore, Pakistan. The second phase was to evaluate the translation and teaching of the book with the help of pre- teaching and post-teaching assessments. The third phase of the research was to understand the scope of the Arabic language as it exists in Pakistan with the help of the survey method. The researcher interviewed 220 conveniently selected respondents in Lahore and Multan, Pakistan. The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) was used to analyze the three types of data (pre-teaching, post-teaching and the scope of the Arabic language). The fourth phase of the research was to analyze the data that comprised the research report. The study revealed that a significant majority (80%) of the respondents were interested in learning Arabic because it is the language of the Holy Qur’an and Islam. It also showed that people also wish to learn the Arabic language in order to secure employment in the Middle-Eastern and in the Arabian Gulf countries. The respondents also reported that they want to learn the Arabic language because of its rich literature of history, science and culture. However, the respondents were at odds with the traditional method of teaching and testing the Arabic language. As a result, these students were learning less language but more ideological construct in the name of Arabic. This pedagogical problem has serious consequences. The study also found that the “Modern-Standard Arabic: An Elementary-Intermediate Course” is an excellent resource to use to change the traditional pedagogical skills. It ascertained that people shifted their traditional perspective of the Arabic learning for religious purposes to the “living language”, the language of everyday conversation. The students of the course ranked the “Modern Standard Arabic” high as compared to the traditional methods of teaching. However, they also had trouble and these were highlighted in the dissertation. This research gleaned that Madrasas (religious schools) in Pakistan were the major source of the Arabic-language teaching in Pakistan. These Madrasas teach with traditional methods and imparted a vested interest-based interpretation of the religion. In this way, the Arabic language as it existed in Pakistan did not give real linguistic meaning to the students but rather give a single-dimension perspective of the religion to the students. This inadequate teaching of the language has simultaneously promoted less tolerance and has expanded the extremist point of view in Pakistan. The language, in other words, seems to be a breeding ground of the extremism that appears to prevalent in Pakistan and thereby gives a misguided version of the language to the members of the society. The second source of Arabic-language teaching in Pakistan was the public-sector universities. These universities were training students to become religious scholars rather than linguistics or translators/interpreters of the Arabic language. The focus of the syllabi of the universities promoted Islamic Arabic literature and the Middle-Eastern perspective of Islam. However, a few of the universities were promoting some level of standard Arabic and Arabic language. Nevertheless, linguistic Arabic as such was virtually non-existent and people regard the language of English as a linguistic subject. Theoretically, ‘Arabic’ has not been treated as a living language in Pakistan. On the one hand, even native-Arabic societies did not take into account the importance of the Arabic language and they hardly emphasize the standardization of it. Native-speaking Arabic scholars have rarely developed theoretical perspectives of the Arabic language or have contributed to its linguistic theory, on the other hand. This state of affairs has developed pedagogical illusions regarding language and linguistics. This dissertation argues that Arabic is a ‘living language’ and that to incorporate it as such a lot of work needs to be done. A standardization of both the language itself and the systems of teaching and testing it needs to be developped. This language re-quires a modernized perspective, both pedagogically as well as linguistically. Theatrically, Arabic requires linguistic perspectives in order to address the pedagogical illusion. Generally, these scientific developments are lacking in the Arabic language. The result is the misinterpretation, confusion and vagueness that have left space for Arabic to be regarded simply as a symbolic language. This symbolic perspective has promoted a single dimension of the language, i.e. the ideological construct, but has also reduced the role as a language of translation and linguistic vigour.

For the purposes of this thesis, I can say that the educational work that I have addressed represents 'informal education' in that it is oriented towards transforming gendered power relations and shares the basic methodological principle building analytically and practically upon, the experiential knowledge of the learners themselves. The discussion is based on a detailed study of informal and incidental learning that takes place in Baltistan. Research presented in this thesis seeks to show that with women acting as men's equals rather than as mere auxiliaries, greater victories in the fight against poverty and deprivation may be won. Rather than being unwilling to participate in the development process, women are prevented from playing a full role in the political lives of their communities. The women of Baltistan do have an embryonic understanding of power, powerlessness, and how the two interact to prevent action upon injustices. In order to understand and realize the value of such learning in struggle I have made an attempt to expose such learning through various case studies. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

Need for Study—A predominant majority of the population of Pakistan is Muslim, that la , it comprises those who call themselves Muslims1, and profess Islam as their religion. There is, however, no single interpretation of Islam that is universally followed throughout Pakistan, or, for that matter, throughout the Muslim world. The Muslims in Pakistan are subdivided into several groups, but no survey, official or unofficial, seems ever to have been made to assess or estimate the numerical strength of the different religious sects. Nevertheless, it may be safely ventured that the single major sect is the Ahl al-Sunnah wa'l-Jama’ah, or "Sunnis" for short, who observe the three "roots of the faith" in Islam—the Quran, — the Tradition, and the Consensus, supported by ijtihad (discretion in the application of the teachings of the Quran).