Les Baloutches sont un groupe ethnique résidant en Asie du Sud-central. Baloutchistan ou, à défaut, le Baloutchistan (qui signifie terre des Baloutches), est un territoire historique qui s'étend du sud-est de l‘Iran et sud de l'Afghanistan au sud-ouest du Pakistan. Le Baloutchistan historique est connu comme le Grand Baloutchistan. Le Grand Baloutchistan est aujourd'hui réparti entre trois pays: l'ouest du Pakistan, sud de l'Iran et le sud-ouest d‘Afghanistan. Les Baloutches sont donc principalement concentrés dans ces territoires. Cependant, il existe une population baloutche importante dispersée dans les Eats arabes du golfe Persique (comme l‘Oman, l‘Émirats arabes unis, etc), en Afrique comme ailleurs en Asie, ainsi qu’une petite diaspora en Europe, en Australie et aux Etats unis. Le nombre total des Baloutches dans les régions mentionnés est estimée entre 10 et 15 millions. Les frontières du Grand Baloutchistan d‘aujourd'hui sont le résultat d'une répartition territoriale officielle entre l'Afghanistan, l'Iran et l'Inde (Pakistan d‘aujourd‘hui) qui a eu lieu vers l‘année 1870. "Bien qu‘apparemment insignifiante dans le contexte de toutes les crises régionales et internationales qui affectent notre monde, le Baloutchistan est, en fait, un espace de liaison: le point à partir duquel les intérêts stratégiques diamétralement opposés convergent" (Draitser, 2012). En ce qui concerne la terminologie, l'utilisation du nom du Baloutchistan, il est utile de prendre en compte le fait que le Baloutche en persan signifie la crête de coq, et puisque les troupes baloutches qui ont combattu pour Astyages de Kai Khosrow en 585-550 BC portaient des casques avec une crête de coq, c'est pourquoi on a leur donnée le nom de « Baloutche ». Dans la liste des guerriers de Kai Khosrow de l'empire d‘achéménide, Ferdowsi a mentionné le baloutche dans le Shâh Nâmeh (Le Livre des Rois) sous l'autorité du général Ashkash (Dashti, 2012). Toutefois, la période pendant laquelle le nom du Baloutchistan ou Baloutchistan est entré dans l‘usage général n'est pas claire, mais elle peut être attribuée à la 12ème/18ème siècle qui a vu Nasir Khan I de Kalat devenir "le premier dirigeant indigène d'établir une autorité autonome sur une grande partie de la région" (Encyclopédie Iranica, 2014). Malgré qu'il n'y ait pas de consensus parmi les scientistes, l'histoire Baloutches et l'origine des Baloutches peuvent probablement être attribués à de pastorales nomades, des tribus indo -Iraniennes qui se sont installés dans le nord-ouest de la région iranienne Balashakan, étant eux- mêmes, les descendants des Aryens descendus au sud de l'Asie centrale il y a environ trois mille ans. Ces tribus indo-Iraniennes sont aujourd’hui connues sous le nom de Balashchik. Le Balashchik deviendrait connu sous le nom des baloutches, des siècles plus tard, quand ils ont migré du nord-ouest de l‘Iran au sud et de la périphérie orientale du plateau iranien, une région qui allait devenir Baloutchistan. Dans cette région du Baloutchistan, les Baloutches ont établi un nation-état indépendant ou semi-indépendant qui durerait environ trois cent ans (Dashti, 2012). Le Balûchistân attirerait les Britanniques dans la première moitié du 19ème siècle comme une voie stratégique pour sécuriser les routes commerciales vers l'Orient, et comme un tremplin vers l'Afghanistan contre les Russes pendant la Première Guerre afghane (1839-1842). Le Raj britannique continuait à statuer et d'administrer la région du Baloutchistan par les traités de 1841 et 1854 avec le Khan (souverain) de Kalat (la capitale du khanat de Kalat, qui était un état princier dominant une grande partie du Grand Baloutchistan). Le traité de 1876 assurerait l'indépendance et la souveraineté de Kalat, dès le départ des Britanniques de la région. Vers la fin du 19ème siècle, un certain nombre de processus de démarcation du Baloutchistan a eu lieu, la plupart du temps pour apaiser l'Iran. (...) / The Baluch are an ethnic group residing in south-central Asia. Baluchistan or, alternatively, Balochistan (meaning land of the Baluch), is a historic territory that stretched from southeastern Iran and southern Afghanistan to southwestern Pakistan. Historic Baluchistan is known as Greater Baluchistan. Greater Baluchistan is today divided into the boundaries of three countries: western Pakistan, southern Iran, and southwestern Afghanistan. The Baluch are therefore concentrated within these territories. However, there is a large Baluch population dispersed in the Persian Gulf States, and a small diaspora in Europe. Although there is no consensus among scholars, Baluch history and the origin of the Baluch can most likely be traced to pastoralist-nomadic, Indo-Iranic tribes that settled in northwestern Iranian region of Balashakan, having, themselves, descended from the Aryans who had moved south from Central Asia around three thousand years ago. These Indo-Iranic tribes became known as the Balashchik. The Balashchik would become known as the Baloch centuries later when they migrated from northwestern Iran to the south and eastern fringes of the Iranian plateau, a region that would become known as Balochistan or Baluchistan. Within this region of Baluchistan the Baluch established an independent or semi-independent nation-state that would last for approximately three hundred years (Naseer Dashti, 2012). Baluchistan would attract the British in the first half of the 19th century as a strategic pathway to secure trade routes to the East, and as a launching pad into Afghanistan against the Russians during the First Afghan War (1839-1842), The British Raj would go on to rule and administer the region of Baluchistan through the treaties of 1841 and 1854 with the Khan (ruler) of Kalat (the capital of the Khanate of Kalat, which was then a princely state controlling much of Greater Baluchistan). The Treaty of 1876 would assure independence and sovereignty for Kalat. Upon the departure of the British from the region. Late in the 19th century a number of demarcation processes of Baluchistan took place, mostly to appease Iran, then Persia. A dispute over claims to Sistan by both Iran and Afghanistan finally saw the division of the territory of Baluchistan in two, between Iran and Afghanistan, in 1904 by the British Commissioner, Sir McMahon. The Khan of Kalat would declare independence on 15 August 1947. The Khan also established an interim constitution that provided for a bicameral parliament. This period of independence lasted from 15 August 1947 to 27 March 1948. After a brief rebellion by the Baluch in Western Baluchistan against Persian rule, Western Baluchistan, or Iranian Baluchistan would finally be incorporated into Iran in 1928. The assimilation of Baluchistan into Pakistan following the 1947 partition of India, and subsequently the creation of Pakistan, was forceful, since the then Khan of Kalate, Mir Ahmed Yar Khan, refused to join Pakistan, and military force had to be used to placate the resistant Baluch, under the leadership of Mir Ahmed Yar Khan. The Baluch of Pakistan, therefore, consider Baluchistan occupied territory. The Khanate of Kalat ceased to exist on 14 October 1955 when the province of West Pakistan was formed. Since their forced accession into Pakistan up to the present, the Baluch have been subjugated to discriminatory policies that have assured their impoverished status. (...)

This dissertation discusses with both the teaching and testing systems associated with the language of Arabic in Pakistan. This study does not only discuss the pedagogical issues of teaching this language in Pakistan, but it also highlights the importance of it being a symbolic language and the resultant symbolic interpretation. The focus of the study is the translation and interpretation of the Arabic language and how it has affected socio-political aspects, in general, and linguistic issues, in particular, in Pakistan. Due to the Arabic language, linguistic symbolism has brought a distinctive intervention in the society. Arabic, as a symbolic language, has promoted a parallel ideological perspective in Pakistan. This study was conducted in four phases. The first phase was empirical and it started in 2009 with the translation and teaching of the book entitled, “Modern Stan-dard Arabic: An Elementary-Intermediate Course” to the Arabic-language students in Lahore, Pakistan. The second phase was to evaluate the translation and teaching of the book with the help of pre- teaching and post-teaching assessments. The third phase of the research was to understand the scope of the Arabic language as it exists in Pakistan with the help of the survey method. The researcher interviewed 220 conveniently selected respondents in Lahore and Multan, Pakistan. The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) was used to analyze the three types of data (pre-teaching, post-teaching and the scope of the Arabic language). The fourth phase of the research was to analyze the data that comprised the research report. The study revealed that a significant majority (80%) of the respondents were interested in learning Arabic because it is the language of the Holy Qur’an and Islam. It also showed that people also wish to learn the Arabic language in order to secure employment in the Middle-Eastern and in the Arabian Gulf countries. The respondents also reported that they want to learn the Arabic language because of its rich literature of history, science and culture. However, the respondents were at odds with the traditional method of teaching and testing the Arabic language. As a result, these students were learning less language but more ideological construct in the name of Arabic. This pedagogical problem has serious consequences. The study also found that the “Modern-Standard Arabic: An Elementary-Intermediate Course” is an excellent resource to use to change the traditional peda-gogical skills. It ascertained that people shifted their traditional perspective of the Arabic learning for religious purposes to the “living language”, the language of everyday conversation. The students of the course ranked the “Modern Standard Arabic” high as compared to the traditional methods of teaching. However, they also had trouble and these were highlighted in the dissertation. This research gleaned that Madrasas (religious schools) in Pakistan were the major source of the Arabic-language teaching in Pakistan. These Madrasas teach with traditional methods and imparted a vested interest-based interpretation of the religion. In this way, the Arabic language as it existed in Pakistan did not give real linguistic meaning to the students but rather give a single-dimension perspective of the religion to the students. This inadequate teaching of the language has simultaneously promoted less tolerance and has expanded the extremist point of view in Pakistan. The language, in other words, seems to be a breeding ground of the extremism that appears to prevalent in Pakistan and thereby gives a misguided version of the language to the members of the society. The second source of Arabic-language teaching in Pakistan was the public-sector universities. These universities were training students to become religious scholars rather than linguistics or translators/interpreters of the Arabic language. The focus of the syllabi of the universities promoted Islamic Arabic literature and the Middle-Eastern perspective of Islam. However, a few of the universities were promoting some level of standard Arabic and Arabic language. Nevertheless, linguistic Arabic as such was virtually non-existent and people regard the language of English as a linguistic subject. Theoretically, ‘Arabic’ has not been treated as a living language in Pakistan. On the one hand, even native-Arabic societies did not take into account the importance of the Arabic language and they hardly emphasize the standardization of it. Native-speaking Arabic scholars have rarely developed theoretical perspectives of the Arabic language or have contributed to its linguistic theory, on the other hand. This state of affairs has developed pedagogical illusions regarding language and linguistics. This dissertation argues that Arabic is a ‘living language’ and that to incorporate it as such a lot of work needs to be done. A standardization of both the language itself and the systems of teaching and testing it needs to be developped. This language re-quires a modernized perspective, both pedagogically as well as linguistically. Theatrically, Arabic requires linguistic perspectives in order to address the pedagogical illusion. Generally, these scientific developments are lacking in the Arabic language. The result is the misinterpretation, confusion and vagueness that have left space for Arabic to be regarded simply as a symbolic language. This symbolic perspective has promoted a single dimension of the language, i.e. the ideological construct, but has also reduced the role as a language of translation and linguistic vigour.

'Marrying back home' (« se marier au pays ») est une pratique internationale que l’on trouve couramment au sein de la diaspora pakistanaise. Cette étude entreprend de saisir le mécanisme de ces mariages transnationaux et comment les liens transnationaux sont maintenus, produits et reproduits par l'organisation de mariages entre les familles résidant en France et au Pakistan. Les données ont été recueillies en utilisant des méthodes de recherche qualitative. Comme le mariage est un enjeu qui concerne l’ensemble de la famille au Pakistan, il est apparu essentiel d’interviewer les époux, mais aussi leurs parents. Les deux familles en lien (celle de l'époux et celle de la mariée) en France et au Pakistan ont été interrogées afin de mettre à jour les logiques du mariage transnational. Le choix privilégié des époux se fait à l’intérieur des différents niveaux de la parenté au Punjab. Les éléments déterminants pour définir les critères de sélection consistent principalement dans des relations réciproques bien affermies, un respect de la tradition du mariage au sein des liens de parenté et une confiance dans les personnes proches afin d’amenuiser le risque d’anonymat. D’autres critères viennent au second rang comme l'éducation, l'âge, la moralité et les traits comportementaux. Lorsque l’ensemble de ces critères sont réunis, les deux générations négocient alors la mise en correspondance des conjoints potentiels en vue de la décision finale du mariage. Les exigences d’une telle correspondance sont liées au respect des obligations familiales, à la valeur accordée aux enfants, au jeu entre autorité, résistance à celle-ci et parenté, à l’histoire maritale de la famille, à la préservation des racines et à la confiance transnationale au sein de la fratrie. Bien que les mariages transnationaux pakistanais suivent les modèles traditionnels pour célébrer le mariage, l’émigration a toutefois introduit des modifications significatives vis-à-vis des règles en vigueur au Pakistan. Selon un processus semblable, la structure familiale et des ménages est en cours de transition en raison de la présence simultanée des deux familles dans chaque pays. Si les mariages transnationaux maintiennent les liens familiaux entre les deux pays en réaffirmant les valeurs culturelles liées au mariage, les modalités des relations entre hommes et femmes et entre générations évoluent néanmoins suivant les influences culturelles de la société d'accueil. / ‘Marrying back home’ is one of the transnational practices demonstrated by Pakistani diaspora to maintain their links with their country of origin. This study is an attempt to understand what the mechanism of transnational marriages is and how transnational links are maintained, produced and reproduced by organizing marriages between families residing in France and Pakistan. Data were collected by employing qualitative research methods. As marriage is the collective affair of the family in Pakistan, it was considered essential to not only interview the spouses but their parents as well. Both corresponding families (the family of groom and the family of bride) in France and in Pakistan were interviewed to understand transnational marriage. The preferred pool of potential spouses is comprised of different layers of Punjabi kinship. Well maintained reciprocal relationships, cultural preferences to arrange marriages within kin, trust on acquaintances and to avoid the risk of anonymity were considered key determinants to define the primary spouse selection criteria. These determinants are supplemented by the complimentary criteria, including education, age, morality, and behavioral traits. Once primary and complimentary criteria are met, both generations (parents and their children) negotiate the adequacy of potential spouse to reach to the final decision of marriage. Family’s obligations, children’s capital, the interplay of authority, resistance and the kin, family’s marriage history, preserving the roots, and the transnational trust between the siblings determine the adequacy of a spouse as well as of the marriage. Though transnational Pakistani marriages follow the traditional patterns to celebrate marriage, nonetheless, migration has introduced some important alterations to different norms as practiced in Pakistan. In the similar vein, the family and household structure are undergoing transition due to their simultaneous presence between here and there. Transnational marriages maintain transnational links by inscribing the cultural values for family and marriage. However, the relationships across gender and generation are on the move by carrying the cultural influences from the host society.

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This research examined two interrelated issues relevant to maternal and neonatal health in Pakistan, namely, the rising rates of C-section delivery and low rates of exclusive breastfeeding. By using the Andersen's health behavioral model to frame two empirical studies, the data from the Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey (PDHS) 2012-13 was used. The first empirical study examined the correlation between place of delivery and the odds of cesarean section in Pakistan. Not all Pakistani women have an equal chance of delivering at a health facility where C-section delivery takes place; therefore, the study modeled mode of delivery as a two-step process. In the first step, place of delivery was a function of medical indications and various sociodemographic and community factors. Women who delivered at a health facility were included in the second step, where C-section was a function of medical indications and type of facility (private, public). It is found that women who delivered at a private health facility were more likely to have a C-section, even after controlling for the effects of medical/clinical factors, which is concerning. Findings suggest that the private maternal health sector in Pakistan may be over-medicalizing childbirth. The second study examined this paradox of low exclusive breastfeeding in Pakistan, taking into account not only individual-level characteristics of the child and parents, but also place and mode of delivery, sociocultural factors, and community composition. The sample consisted of 1,044 children 0-5 months old, currently living with their mothers. Binary logistic regressions of exclusive and predominant breastfeeding found women who delivered vaginally, whether at home or health care facility were more likely than mothers who delivered via C-section to predominantly breastfeed their infant, and that mothers who delivered vaginally at a health care facility were more likely than their peers who delivered via C-section to exclusively breastfeed their infants. Collectively, the findings of both empirical studies suggest that private maternal health care services in Pakistan may be facilitating medically unnecessary C-sections, either for profit making or time management. An extended and integrated policy regarding medically unnecessary C-section delivery and low rates of exclusive breastfeeding is needed in Pakistan to address both issues together effectively.

Two- thirds of Pakistan's primary aged children are enrolled in school and less than one-third complete fifth grade. Decades after the inception of the goal of primary education for all of its children, the state is unable to fulfill its promise of providing access to universal primary education. The failure of the government to provide for a system that ensures equitable opportunities for all of its children has resulted in individuals, for-profit organizations, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) intervening to fill the void. In particular, international donor agencies (IDAs) have come forward to provide financial aid and personnel support for primary education. There is currently a dearth of research on the work of NGO schools in Pakistan, which leaves many unanswered questions about the role of NGO schools. Therefore, in this study, I examine the efficacy of not-for-profit, private schools managed by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in providing quality education to primary school children in Pakistan. This study examined schools formed and supported by two NGOs in Pakistan and their impact on providing primary education. A dual case study approach involving a concentrated enquiry into two cases (a rural and an urban school) was used. The study focused on the following research question: How does an NGO school provide education to primary aged school children? Results corroborate previous key-findings that the NGO is the parent body which oversees management, provides training, mobilizes the community and generates the primary funds to run the schools. The study goes further to suggest that NGO leaders provide leverage and establish connections that are important for fund raising and creating opportunities for the schools to expand and work cost-efficiently. The rural NGO had created its own methodology for literacy instruction, which produced adult literate women who were then hired as primary teachers. In addition, it showed that the two schools use: (1) an eclectic approach to teaching which ranged from using public school's curriculum to local, contextually based materials to foreign British-based curriculum; (2) the shift in instructional strategies suggested movement from a behaviorist approach toward integrating constructivist methods of teaching; and (3) the flexibility in curriculum choices poses challenges as well as opportunities for growth for the teachers. These results help to frame future research by linking NGO school's instructional practices to those used in private and public school systems in Pakistan.

Developing countries and the poor within them (i.e., the other) receive scant attention in management and organization studies (MOS). The field, thus, suffers from both ethnocentric and class biases. This research effort seeks to reduce these biases, particularly in the conversation on power taking place between MOS' critical management studies and interorganizational collaboration research streams. / Articulating a case study of the Sialkot soccer ball child labour project in Pakistan (1995-2003), the thesis explores the communication constraints that are faced by weak actors in interorganizational domains (a social problem and a set of organizations having a stake or interest in that problem) located in the developing world. Relying on both written documents (private and public) and field interviews, especially with women soccer ball stitchers at the village level, a typology of communication constraints is developed. These constraints are examined from the perspectives of those at the bottom of the international supply chain and the injuries these groups suffer from them are documented in the thesis. It is found that the ability of weak actors to use communication to influence a domain is highly contingent on how space and time are configured in a domain. Domains have temporal rhythms and spatial configurations. The thesis identifies two types of temporal rhythms (technocratic and subsistence clocks) and a spatial configuration (imperial space) that severely militate against weak actors exercising agency in a domain through communication. Strategies (e.g., emergent collective struggle) that can prevent weak actors from becoming subalternalized (voiceless) in a domain are also discussed. The case study permits an investigation of contemporary transnational activism that often sires interorganizational collaboration projects in developing countries. The thesis identifies two types of transnational activism (thick and thin), delineates the various elements constituting them, and shows how thin activism can lead to interorganizational projects hurting weak and powerless groups that are intended to be assisted.

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