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Cotutelle entre Université de Montréal et Université Rennes 2 / Les subdélégués des intendances servent indirectement le roi de France au niveau local. L’étude de leur institution dans cinq intendances offre un point de vue original sur l’État d’Ancien régime et son administration. Des subdélégations existent dans toutes les provinces du royaume : dans les pays d’élections, d’États et d’imposition comme dans les colonies. Les étudier offre une perspective inédite sur cette typologie et surtout sur la centralisation du royaume de France. Par une prosopographie comparative, sont étudiés 687 subdélégués des 159 subdélégations des intendances de Caen en Basse-Normandie, Fort-Royal dans les Petites Antilles, Lille en Flandres, Québec au Canada et Rennes en Bretagne. Cette méthode permet des comparaisons inter-provinciales et transatlantiques, comme intra-provinciales, et une analyse multiscalaire de l’administration royale. Les subdélégations se révèlent alors comme des institutions d’intendance, mises au service de la royauté et exercées par des notables. Fiscalité, justice civile ou contentieux administratif, enquêtes et statistiques, milice et corvée royales, marchés publics, tutelle des municipalités, épidémies et assistances, de nombreux pouvoirs les concernent. En pratique, ils varient entre provinces et entre subdélégations. Partout, ils sont pris en charge par des magistrats, des maires, des commissaires de la Marine, des conseillers pensionnaires ou d’autres notables locaux. Entre bureaucratie et clientélisme, ils participent à une centralisation administrative limitée. Les subdélégations engendrent surtout de multiples médiations du pouvoir royal, le transformant par des déclinaisons provinciales et des traductions locales. / Subdelegates of the intendancies indirectly served the king of France at the local level. The study of their institution in five intendancies offers an original point of view on the Ancien Regime state and its administration. Subdelegations existed in all the provinces of the kingdom: in those known as pays d’élections, pays d’États or pays d’imposition, as well as in the colonies. Studying them makes it possible to question this typology and especially the centralization of the Kingdom of France. By comparative prosopography, 687 subdelegates in the 159 subdelegations of the intendancies of Caen in Lower Normandy, Fort-Royal in the Lesser Antilles, Lille in Flanders, Quebec in Canada and Rennes in Brittany are studied. This method allows for inter-provincial and transatlantic as well as intra-provincial comparisons and a multiscalar analysis of the royal administration. Subdelegations emerge as institutions of intendancy, in the service of the monarchy and exercised by local notables. Taxation, civil justice or administrative litigation, investigations, surveys and statistics, royal militia and corvée, public contracts, epidemics and assistance, supervision of municipalities, many powers concern them. In practice, they varied between provinces and between subdelegations. Everywhere, magistrates, mayors, marine commissioners or other notables served as subdelegates. Between bureaucracy and patronage, they participated in a limited administrative centralization. Subdelegations mainly generated multiple mediations of royal power, transforming it through provincial variations and local translations.

Master of Arts / Department of History / Donald J. Mrozek / On March 30, 1972 the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) launched a conventional offensive, dubbed the Easter Offensive, against South Vietnam. In response to this act President Richard Nixon ordered the United States Air Force (USAF) and Navy (USN) to resume bombing North Vietnam. For the next nine months, USAF conducted offensive operations against the whole of the DRV in an attempt to accomplish four major objectives. First, USAF units sought to interdict sufficiently the North Vietnamese Army's (NVA's) supply lines to preclude continued conventional operations in South Vietnam. Second, President Nixon had directed the Air Force to inflict sufficient punishment on North Vietnam in order to deter further aggression against its southern neighbor. Third, as implied by the Nixon Doctrine, USAF was to establish convincingly its ability to conduct conventional operations in support of an allied nation during a major conflict. Finally, with the introduction of B-52 bombers in December 1972, the Air Force was to maintain the credibility of manned strategic aircraft as part of American nuclear deterrence policy. Historically, the United States Air Force and many civilian observers have maintained that the United States Air Force succeeded in all four tasks. However, the evidence strongly indicates that the United States Air Force not only failed to achieve all but the interdiction objective during the course of operations against North Vietnam, but that this defeat stemmed from the decision not to develop a comprehensive Suppression of Enemy Air Defense (SEAD) doctrine from 1968 through 1972. In choosing this course of action, USAF's military and civilian leaders guaranteed that American forces would be unable to bring sufficient force to bear to achieve President Nixon's goals. Furthermore, by choosing this course of action and, in addition, refocusing the Air Force on nuclear delivery rather than enhancing USAF's capability to penetrate an integrated air defense (IADS), these same leaders ignored the results of Operation Rolling Thunder. The consequence of this choice, as will be shown in the following pages, was an outcome that had serious implications for the United States' Cold War conventional and nuclear military policy.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of History / Mark P. Parillo / The primary figure in the creation and administration of alternative service for conscientious objectors (COs) during World War II was General Lewis B. Hershey, Director of the Selective Service. With an executive order by President Franklin D. Roosevelt placing the responsibility for alternative service on the shoulders of Hershey, any program within Civilian Public Service (the alternative service program for COs) desired by the Historic Peace Churches (Brethren, Mennonite, Society of Friends) needed Hershey’s approval before it could commence. As a product of the National Guard, Hershey possessed a strong belief in the duty of the citizen to the state in a time of national emergency. However, Hershey also had Mennonite ancestry and a strong belief in minority rights. Though not personally religious, all of his beliefs towards religion, duty, minority rights, and service contributed to a much more liberal policy for COs during World War II, compared to the insensitive treatment of them during the First World War. In short, “Protector of Conscience, Proponent of Service” argues that Lewis Hershey held the primary authority for constructing policy concerning conscientious objection during World War II, and his personal beliefs and actions in shaping alternative service during that time established precedent for the remaining years of conscription in the United States. From the initial peacetime draft in 1940 to the end of conscription in 1973, alternative service remained as the central form of a CO’s duty to the state in lieu of serving in the military. Hershey’s beliefs and actions during World War II resulted in a concept of alternative service that remained for the following years of conscription in the United States, providing an illuminating example of how the concept of the citizen soldier evolved in American military history and extended even to those who refused to serve in the military.

Au 20e siècle en France et en Allemagne, l’art moderne prend son essor. Certains, comme Francastel, qualifient cet art de destruction d’un espace plastique classique. Cette destruction devient un vecteur de création chez plusieurs artistes qui, suite aux deux grandes guerres, remettent en question leur état « civilisé » et se tournent vers le « primitif » pour offrir une autre voie, loin de tout processus civilisateur. Cette admiration pour les peuples primitifs ainsi que pour les productions artistiques d’enfants, d’amateurs et de « fous » est visible chez plusieurs collectionneurs d’art. En constituant des collections d’art marginal, ces derniers défendaient une idéologie qui propose une autre forme de culture en remplacement d’une civilisation dépassée. Grâce à leurs collections, la libre expression se positionna contre le rationalisme occidental. On compte, parmi ces collectionneurs, le psychiatre Hans Prinzhorn, le marchand d’art Wilhelm Udhe et les artistes André Breton, Jean Dubuffet et Arnulf Rainer. Chacun d’eux a eu un impact sur la construction du récit de l’art moderne et de l’art contemporain. Leurs collections ont chacune sa spécificité et offrent des vocabulaires différents pour parler de productions artistiques marginales, c’est-à-dire se développant « hors culture ». C’est par l’analyse des terminologies employées par les collectionneurs, principalement la dénomination d’art pathologique, que nous tracerons un portrait de la construction historique de l’art marginal en lien avec l’art moderne / Modern art began its rise at the beginning of the twentieth century in both France and Germany. Somme art theorists like Francastel, propose an identifying characteristic of modern art is the deconstruction of the classic plastic space. During the two World Wars, many artists used this deconstructive process, thus reinvigorating art with ‘‘primitive’’ styles which challenged the ‘‘civilized’’ art of the day. This fascination with the ‘‘primitive’’, including art from children, amateurs, and the ‘‘mentally ill’’, is apparent in many art collections of the time. By collecting these forms of art, the collectors were supporting this new ideology in opposition to occidental rationalism. The psychiatrist Hans Prinzhorn, along with the art sellers Wilhelm Udhe and the artists Andre Breton, Jean Dubuffet and Arnulf Rainer, are a few of the notable collectors. They each influenced the progress of Modern Art; the impact of which is now evident in contemporary art. The individuality of their unique collections offers different interpretations of the marginalized ‘‘outsider art’’. By analyzing the terminologies employed by these collectors, particularly in regards to ‘‘pathological art’’, we may outline a portrait of the development of ‘‘outsider art’’ as it progressed along side modern art.

Dans ce mémoire, il s’agit de développer et d’appliquer une méthode qui peut saisir le manuel scolaire comme objet de l’analyse historique et de l’analyse du discours. La méthode cible le livre seulement et combine des outils littéraires et historiques, quantitatifs et qualitatifs, en essayant de tenir compte de l’expérience du livre. L’analyse porte sur la narration de la guerre de Corée dans les manuels de six pays (Allemagne RDA et RFA, la Chine RPC, les États-Unis, le Chili et l’Argentine) de deux moments différents (1962 et 1992). La guerre de Corée a été un événement majeur de la Guerre froide entre les mondes capitalistes et communistes et a contribué à la course aux armements nucléaires. Elle a installé le modèle de la guerre par procuration comme solution de conflits entre les deux idéologies. Une comparaison large d’un événement précis peut nous donner des indications sur le fonctionnement des différents niveaux de la mémoire d’une société et expliquer des éléments du fonctionnement des cycles historiographiques. / This master’s thesis develops and tests a methodology that tries to understand the textbook as an object of historical and discourse analysis. The method centers primarily on the textbook and combines tools of literary criticism and historical research, using quantitative and qualitative analysis, while trying to capture the reader’s experience of the narrated history. We analyze the narration of the Korean war in the textbooks from six different coun- tries (East and West Germany, mainland China, the United States, Chile and Argentina) at two different times (1962 and 1992). The Korean war has been a major event of the cold war between capitalist and communist world and lead to the nuclear arms race. It introduced the model of the proxy war as a means of conflict resolution between the two ideologies. A larger comparison of a precise event can yield indications about how the different levels of social memory work and can explain elements of of the cycles of historiograph- ical paradigms.

Le présent mémoire cherche à comprendre la nature des rapports entre la ville de Paris et le roi Charles IX grâce à l’étude de l’entrée royale de ce dernier dans la capitale en 1571. Pour l’historien, l’étude des grands rituels monarchiques permet de saisir les mécanismes symboliques de communication qui créent en quelque sorte le pouvoir royal. L’entrée royale, rituel codifié durant lequel une ville accueille son souverain, permet d’observer la nature des rapports entre le pouvoir monarchique et le pouvoir urbain. Généralement perçue comme un moment consensuel, l’entrée royale peut aussi servir de cadre pour les édiles urbains afin d’exprimer leurs désaccords à l’égard des politiques du roi. La confrontation entre la relation officielle de l’entrée et les archives municipales met au jour une série de ratés nous permettant de déconstruire l’image de concorde longtemps associée à l’entrée de 1571. Loin d’être un portrait élogieux du roi Charles IX, le programme de l’entrée parisienne de 1571 célèbre plutôt Catherine de Médicis et le duc Henri d’Anjou. En cela, les édiles parisiens expriment leurs critiques face à un pouvoir monarchique dont l’inaction durant les guerres de religion illustre la trop grande faiblesse. / This dissertation seeks to understand the nature of the relationship between the city of Paris and king Charles IX through the study of his royal entry in 1571. For historians, the study of the major monarchical rituals captures the mechanisms of symbolic communication that create the royal power. The royal entry, a codified ritual during which a city host his sovereign, shows the nature of the power dynamic between the monarchy and the urban centre. Generally seen as a consensual moment, the royal entry can also serve as a framework for the urban councillors to express their disagreement with the king’s policies. The comparison between the official relation of the entry and the municipal archives reveals a set of blunders that allows us to deconstruct the consistent image of concord long been associated with the 1571 entry. Far from being a glorious portrait of king Charles IX, the entry program rather celebrate Catherine de Medici and Duke Henry of Anjou. The Parisian councillors express therefore their critics against a monarchy whose inaction during the religious wars illustrates his weakness.

Le mouvement migratoire espagnol en Amérique à l'époque moderne peut être partagé en deux phases distinctes : La première est essentiellement masculine alors que la seconde intègre un nombre considérable de femmes et d'enfants. En analysant la correspondance privée provenant des Indes espagnoles entre 1540 et 1616, avec une attention particulière aux missives échangées entre les membres d'une même famille, l’objectif de ce mémoire est d’accéder au quotidien et à l'intimité des migrants et des migrantes et d’expliquer les origines et les modalités de la migration familiale dont l'apogée se situe entre 1560 et 1620. L'analyse dans la perspective du genre des « Cartas privadas de emigrantes a Indias » jette ainsi une lumière nouvelle sur les pratiques épistolaires familiales, les motifs des réunions des familles et sur l’agentivité des Espagnoles dans la construction de la société coloniale. / Spanish migration flows to the Americas in the early modern age can be divided into two separate phases: The first was predominantly male while the latter included a large number of women and children. Analysing the private letters from the Spanish Indies between 1540 and 1616, notably those exchanged between members of the same family, this thesis explores the daily and intimate lives of these male and female migrants. It also seeks to explain the origin and modalities of family migration, which reached its apogee between 1560 and 1620. A gendered analysis of the « Cartas privadas de emigrantes a Indias » sheds new light on the familial practice of correspondence, the underlying reasons for family reunions, and the agency of Spanish women in the building of this colonial society.

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