A study of the foreign policies of Theodore Roosevelt.

À travers la biographie intellectuelle d’un réformateur et rédacteur en chef de Boston, Benjamin O. Flower (1858-1918), de la création de son magazine, The Arena, en 1889 à sa mort, cette thèse explore les ambiguïtés du progressisme et ses « étranges combinaisons théoriques », selon l’expression de l’historien Robert Wiebe. Flower considérait la corruption, la pauvreté et la faillite morale de la société américaine comme des maladies physiques et spirituelles : les idées hétérodoxes de son temps (populisme, socialisme, expérimentations sociales dans le reste du monde mais aussi médecines et spiritualités alternatives) illustraient l’esprit américain de liberté et se révélaient autant de remèdes pour régénérer l’homme et la société. Flower entendait faire de ses magazines une « arène » où débattre librement pour provoquer un nouveau « Grand Réveil » et assurer le progrès de l’humanité. La fin de sa vie voit Flower aux prises avec les ambivalences de sa lutte pour la liberté. Pendant les années 1910, lors de sa croisade pour la « liberté médicale », il lutte contre la volonté de l’American Medical Association de contrôler les médecines alternatives et contre le projet du gouvernement fédéral d’établir un ministère de la Santé. Sa défense de la liberté de la presse face à la censure de la poste le mène ensuite à travailler pendant la Grande Guerre pour un journal anticatholique, The Menace. Ces controverses sur le sens du progrès et de la liberté permettent de comprendre les fractures culturelles qui divisent le réformisme et, à la faveur de l’érection d’un seul et vrai récit de la modernisation, la relégation de son progressisme antimonopolistique dans les marges de l’histoire. / By using as a case study the intellectual biography of Boston reformer and editor Benjamin O. Flower (1858-1918) from the founding of his magazine, The Arena, in 1889 to his death, this dissertation explores the ambiguities of progressivism and revisits its “strange theoretical combinations,” to use historian Robert Wiebe’s phrase. Flower considered the corruption, the poverty and the moral bankruptcy that plagued turn-of-the-century America as physical and spiritual diseases – the nonconformist ideas of his time (populism, socialism, social experiments in the rest of the world, but also alternative medicine and spiritualities) illustrated the American spirit of freedom and could cure and regenerate individuals and society. Flower wanted his magazines, notably the aptly named Arena, to function as an open forum where ideas could be debated freely, thus bringing about a new « Great Awakening » and ensuring progress. At the end of his life, Flower grappled with the ambivalences of freedom. In the 1910s, he fought for “medical freedom,” struggling against the American Medical Association’s move to control alternative medicine and against the creation of a federal Department of Health. He also defended freedom of the press against postal censorship, which led him to work for an anti-Catholic newspaper during the Great War, The Menace. These controversies over the meaning of progress and freedom shed light on the cultural gaps which divided reformism and led to the advent of the modernization narrative and, as a result, to the relegation of antimonopoly progressivism to the margins of history.

Bentinck's attitude towards his responsibilities as Govornor-general was conditioned to an important degree not only by the intellectual outlook he brought with him to India, but also by an emotional factor which originated with his dismissal by the Court of Directors from the Governorship of Madras in 1807. The son of a Whig politician, the third Duke of Portland, Bentinck had been in close touch with the political life of the late Eighteenth and early Nineteenth Centuries. His outlook was moulded, not by his father, but by the more imaginative of the Whigs - in particular by Burke and Charles James Fox, He was acquainted with the modes of thought inspired by Bentham and Adam Smith, both of whom could claim him as a disciple. His political sympathies, therefore, lay with the radicals. He was a doctrinnaire in the sense that he had a philosophical belief in progress, and considered the acceleration or initiation of change to be a primary duty of a statesman Bentinck was not in any way an originator of now ideas. His mind, while receptive to the impuluses of a new age, was not capable of originating or directing any of those impulses, It may be said of him, in fact, that his outlook was based more on scepticism towards conventional or traditional attitudes than on a perception of the spirit of liberalism.

The purpose of this paper is to acquaint the reader with the state of the recorder as a musical instrument in this century. Information has been gathered from standard texts and journal articles to gain more recent ideas. The work is divided into three sections: (1) a brief history of the instrument; (2) a biographical sketch of Arnold Dolmetsch, the man who was most responsible for the revival of the recorder in this century; and (3) a detailed examination of the use of the recorder today. This last section includes the recorder in education, music written for it, recorder performance and organizations, and construction of the recorder. An appendix lists recorders that are available to players in this country. It is this writer's conclusion that the recorder today has regained its status as a performing medium.

Chapter I. Early political and diplomatic career -- Chapter II. Anson Jones, Secretary of State -- Chapter III. Independence or annexation -- Chapter IV. Annexation achieved -- Chapter V. Assessment -- Bibliography.

The present study utilises a Durkheimian approach to study alcohol in society and education, centrally drawing on the sociological works of Emile Durkheim and those of the neo-Durkheimian sociologist, Stjepan Mestrovic. Durkheim�s sociological concepts and commentary, and Mestrovic�s perspective, refashioned, is applied to the present context, of which alcohol is a part. The arument to be advanced, is that in the Durkheimian sense, societal and educational alcohol issues, as part of wider social change, are in a state of excessive anomie and egoism caused by neoliberal philosophy, policy and practice. Mostly, the theory of James M. Buchanan will be drawn upon as standing for neoliberalism. Mestrovic�s interpretation of Durkheim in the light of his view of the indirect influence of Arthur Schopenhauer on Durkheim, particularly with regard to Schopenhauer�s view of will and representation, provides a fresh reading of Durkheim�s work. Mestrovic�s adaptations challenge the received view of Durkheim as a functionalist, and Enlightenment positivist interested in social order. This is explained by noting Mestrovic�s application of those adaptations to some of Durkheim�s central concepts, and, Mestrovic�s identification of the contemporary relevance of Durkheim, culminating in what Mestrovic calls postemotionalism. Mestrovic�s Shopenhauerian Durkheimianism, and Durkheim, can be critiqued from the perspectives of a number of commentators, poststructuralism and, Jennifer Lehmann�s critical structuralism with regard to issues of particularly gender, but also culture, as well as for exhibiting essentialist and liberal strains. Buchanan is also liberal and essentialist, but differently to Durkheim, holds to an economic, individualistic and clearly positivist view of society and education. By comparison with Durkheimianism, however, Buchanan�s perspective is a good representative example of true neoliberalism. Durkheim in particular, is rendered as a liberal - by comparison to Buchanan, a very social democratic liberal thinker, but one still in need of further adaptations over and above those made by Mestrovic for a Durkheimianism relevant to contemporary issues of gender and culture with regard to policy and practice in society and education where alcohol is concerned. Mestrovic�s perspective and Durkheim�s concepts, when modified by way of discussed and synthesised supplementary, high-modern and poststructural, post-Freudian feminist, and semiological, radical theories of gender and culture, is relevant for studying society and education. The application of Durkheimian perspectives, so rendered, means that various issues related to alcohol such as, alcohol and other addictions and dysfunctions, gendered drinking, gendered family relations, alcohol use and abuse, media advertising, research studies philosophies, culture, local and global markets, as well as legislation, can be seen in an alternative way. Following Durkheimian perspectives means that education can be contextualised accordingly. Educational governance, professionalism, teacher training and curriculum reform policies and programmes related and specific to alcohol education, can be interpreted in alternative ways to those currently accepted. Durkheimian perspectives on society and education: highlight the damage caused and the conservatism entailed by neoliberal philosophy, policy and practice, and; provide alternatives to the current societal situation, as well as the current drug education market in Aotearoa/New Zealand.

La théorie sociologique a subi, dans les 40 premières années de l'institutionnalisation de cette discipline, une inflexion la détournant d'une des questions théoriques qui avaient suscité sa fondation: celle de la possibilité d'une explication de la pérennité de l'organisation de la société qui ne soit pas fondée sur la théorie libérale classique de l'individu rationnel. Si cet aspect du projet sociologique a d'abord été directement confronté, ce n'est pas par le biais d'une argumentation étoffée et de critiques percutantes qu'il a finalement été neutralisé mais plutôt par son omission puis par sa négation. Pour démontrer ce processus menant à la neutralisation d'un problème fondamental de la sociologie classique, j'ai choisi d'examiner la réception des travaux d'un de ceux qui l'a abordé le plus ouvertement, le fondateur français de la sociologie, Émile Durkheim. Les travaux de Durkheim et de son école, au même titre que ceux de Marx, se présentent comme des idéaux types de l'effort théorique visant à présenter l'organisation sociale comme autre chose que le résultat des aptitudes et actions des individus qui y participent c'est-à-dire comme des formes de réalisme social. En ce sens, la réception de leurs thèses est un excellent indicateur de la position des différents sociologues sur la possibilité, voire la pertinence, d'une telle tentative. En étudiant les textes de réception des écrits durkheimiens produits en France, en Angleterre et aux États-Unis entre 1893 et 1939, j'ai pu retracer d'abord les oppositions directes au "réalisme social" durkheimien puis les omissions de cet aspect de sa pensée qui ont fini par déboucher sur un travestissement -une périodisation -de cette dernière. Il ressort de cette étude que le réalisme social, qu'il soit identifié comme "chosisme", "ontologisme", "matérialisme", "négation de la psychologie" ou relégué au statut de "période" de la pensée durkheimienne, reste le même au-delà des formes changeantes de la critique.

Although it is frequently suggested that the idea of celebrity, as opposed to fame, is a construct of twentieth-century popular culture, many of the originating mechanisms and characteristics of modern celebrity have their roots in the more distant past. In France, the Industrial Revolution and the resulting mechanization of the media in the early to mid-nineteenth century fostered the processes of publicity. The invention of photography, the explosion in circulation of newspapers, and the emergence of cultural criticism gave rise to a new sense of both the importance and the relatability of people in the public eye. Elisa Rachel Félix (1821-1858), known professionally as “Rachel,” was the undisputed star of the French state theater, the Comédie-Française, from 1838 until shortly before her death. She was in many ways the first exemplar of the tropes of celebrity in French popular culture. Not only was she greatly admired for her talent in performance, especially in the classical tragic repertoire of the Golden Age of French playwriting, but she was also a pioneer in what Tom Mole has called “the hermeneutic of intimacy,” the perception on the part of the public that the accessibility of images of the performer creates a sense of connection and sympathy between artist and audience. This dissertation will explore the varieties of media through which Rachel’s career and life were publicized and the competing currents of her celebrity identity: the extent to which the star was understood as an exceptional woman versus her identification with her public. Depictions of Rachel in traditional arts, such as sculpture and painting, competed with her portrayal in such modern media as photographs, newspaper columns and caricatures, either enhancing her closeness to her fans or emphasizing her fundamental difference. The image of celebrity which Rachel helped to create endured after her premature death and contributed mightily to a foundational shift in the emphasis of media culture in France. Coinciding as it did with the heyday of Romanticism and the rise of realism in the arts, the cult of celebrity contributed strongly to the death of the tragic genre. / text

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Au cœur du mouvement progressiste aux États-Unis et alors que le réformisme consolide sa place en politique nationale grâce à l'élection de Woodrow Wilson en 1912, émerge à côté du nouveau président élu la figure de Charles Richard Crane (1858-1939), auparavant quasi-inconnu sur la scène nationale. Industriel richissime, réformateur, mécène et philanthrope de Chicago, Crane avait fait sa marque dans les cercles progressistes du Midwest en plus d'avoir soigneusement cultivé des relations importantes à l'étranger. En même temps, ses intérêts et ses accointances variés le rendirent utiles aux yeux de Wilson qui l'intégra dans un cercle très sélect de conseillers intimes. Rapidement devenu ami avec le président, Crane fut tour à tour choisi pour de multiples tâches politico-diplomatiques de relative importance : contributeur majeur des élections de Wilson en 1912 et 1916, promoteur et facilitateur des réformes sociales et politiques du programme de la New Freedom, mission diplomatique en Russie révolutionnaire, soutien à la création de la Tchécoslovaquie, commission d'experts au Moyen-Orient dans le cadre de la Paix de Versailles et ambassade américaine en Chine comptent parmi ses principales tâches au sein du wilsonisme. À travers ces années avec Wilson, les plus déterminantes de sa vie à ses propres yeux, s'écrivit une carrière publique remarquable qui illustre des aspects du wilsonisme à la fois caractéristiques et inédits. Son engagement dans un réformisme assez radical, qui se manifesta autant dans la sphère nationale, avec des politiques agraires et anti-monopolistiques, qu'à l'étranger, avec l'appui à des causes révolutionnaires, anti-impérialistes et humanitaires, et la constance de son discours wilsonien et de son appui à Wilson apportent un éclairage différent à la perspective historienne du progressisme wilsonien et de l'époque qui l'a produit et façonné. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Charles Richard Crane, Woodrow Wilson, relations internationales, Première Guerre mondiale, histoire de États-Unis, ère progressiste