Tese (doutorado) - Universidade de São Paulo. Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciencias Humanas, Departamento de Historia / Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-16T22:01:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0

This thesis focuses on the impact of social class and sex caste influences on upper-class women. Preceding analysis have tended to suggest either that upper-class women are, women, essentially powerless and irrelevant to the broader historical context or that they are, as members of the upper-class, powerful and, on occasion, important historical actors. This research addresses these issues in a more systematic and comprehensive fashion than previous attempts. Specifically, the thesis of this dissertation considers three questions: 1. Do active upper-class women exercise power? 2. Is this exercise of power socio-historically significant? and 3. Through this exercise of power do active upper-class women seek to advance their social class or their sex caste? In order to pursue this inquiry, 'power' must be conceptualized as a broad range of activities through which individuals directly or indirectly exercise their will or serve their own interests. This expanded understanding of power is receptive to woman's experience of social reality. The particular 'strategic' research population selected for this investigation is upper-class women who were active in New York City between 1880 and 1920. The socio-historical milieu in which these women lived was a vortex of powerful social class and sex caste forces -the role of women was in the midst of sweeping reformulations and the class system was embroiled in crucial struggles. Active upper-class women's activities in this context are investigated by means of cumulated biographies. Using standard biographical sources, biographical dossiers (detailing family background, organizational affiliations and so on) are assembled for 412 subjects. This information is then analysed, first, in terms of the general characteristics of the research population (for example, their distinguishing social traits) and, secondly, in terms of their involvement in three key fields -social welfare, ideological domination and the status of women. The results from this analysis suggest, first, that upper-class women did wield power (they held important executive offices, were influential figures or were founders, leaders or benefactors of movements, organizations or institutions). Secondly, their exercise of power was of socio-historical significance (many of the organizations, institutions and movements in which they exercised power played an important role in social and historical events.) Finally, although substantial evidence indicates that many research subjects aided on-going projects of the upper-class, worked with class colleagues and defended the interests of the upper class, sex caste affiliation was also an important consideration. Many of the research population's activities were undertaken through woman-only organizations or were directed specifically to women. In a few significant instances concern with sex caste issues led some active upper-class women into conflict with traditional upper-class values. The research indicates that upper-class women's social activities and historical role cannot be viewed simply as expressions of either class or caste influences. Rather, analyses must recognize an interplay between the two factors. Further, the inquiry suggests that the family (with female as well as male components considered) must 'in a real sense' be conceptualized as the foundation of the upper class. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references. Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

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A finales del siglo XIX Chile experimentó un período de cambios profundos que repercutieron en casi todos los mbitos de la vida nacional. Tanto en las reas política, como social y económica, la mayoría de estos cambios produjeron las estructuras sociales con que el país enfrentaría gran parte del siglo XX. Es por esta razón que es importante atender esta ‚poca de nuestra historia, ya que en ella veremos el comienzo de algunos problemas que repercutieron despu‚s fuertemente en la vida nacional y que en cierto modo marcaron a muchas generaciones posteriores

Orientador: Sergio Silva / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-14T01:44:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ribeiro_MariaAliceRosa_D.pdf: 13165815 bytes, checksum: f4d0589efc5c7b413a38de262576a07f (MD5) Previous issue date: 1991 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed. / Doutorado / Doutor em Economia

The Swedish curriculum regarding upper secondary education defines that in 2022, “sexuality, consent and relationships”, will have a greater impact in the curriculum and in the education than earlier. It is the school’s responsibility that each student gather knowledge within this subject. Each teacher should also discuss with the students how notions regarding what is considered female and male, defines and affects individuals’ opportunities.  This study will investigate how friends during the years 1880-1920 in Västergötland, communicated norms and values regarding gender, sexuality, marriage, and relationships. The results are based on four collections of letters, written by young adults to their friends. The sources are analysed through discourse analysis and discussed with Connell’s gender theory and earlier research within the field.  The results show that the young letter writers give expression to norms regarding marriage, and most of them claim that marriage is a natural way of life. The result also show that marriage is not always the purpose of relationships among the young adults, and that life can be enjoyed without a partner. The letters show how norms regarding what is considered male, and female are defined and redefined through interaction among the friends and that power relations regarding gender are quite equal among the youth during this time.

Between 1880 and 1920, both urban England and essays published in urban England underwent seismic shifts and splits, as population grew, education and technology advanced, and periodical publishing expanded. The city grew both larger in size and smaller in units of comprehensibility, and many of its people were (or were perceived by certain thinkers to be) less free and more instrumental. The periodical essay too grew more common and, at the same time, smaller in size, less free, and more instrumental, as it developed closer ties with journalism, with the industrial city, and with readers of all classes. By an examination of various forms of essaying in the period, this thesis argues that the essay's transitions parallel modernity's transitions, not only because the essay reflects or enacts or follows trends in modernity, but also because modernity at the time was conditioned by the essay's way of thinking through its form and cannot be fully understood without reference to the activities of the urban periodical essay at the time. The essay between 1880 and 1920 was a highly social genre, and this sociability manifested in a number of ways this thesis will explore. Its periodical context allowed it a ritual, patterning relationship with its readers; its brevity and limitations pushed it into dialectical, double-glancing modes of thought that complemented its fragmented setting; its tendency to direct attention away from its own form gave it a unique, constitutive role in literary modernisms; its material connections to new technologies implicated it in new doubts concerning urban modernity, and its massed readership embroiled it in fears over anti- or a-intellectual over-simplification. This thesis tells the stories of the periodical essay, in London, as an actor in modernity's transitions, by examining four concepts central to both the essay and to emergent modernity: play, the trick, doubt, and wisdom. These concepts are treated, primarily, through the work of three writers-Oscar Wilde, G. K. Chesterton, and Virginia Woolf-all of whom, in their styling of the essay, embody different moments and essayistic registers in the transitions of modernity and reveal the cross-fertilising relationship between essaying and what is meant by 'the modern'.

I was interested in history while I was in school and I pursued this interest as a history student at the University of Tabriz where I graduated in history in 1973. Apart from a major part of our studies in history, which were about the Iranian and foreign dynasties, we had to study a great deal about the lives of individual Kings; but hardly any space was allocated to the history of social and political movements in Iran. The names of patriots and political thinkers such as K̲h̲iyābānī were not, for political reasons, mentioned. These movements, however, no matter how briefly they were covered in our history books, were still able to arouse my curiosity and interest in discovering more about these movements and their leaders. In 1977 I decided to undertake research in modern history. My decision coincided with social and political upheavals in Iran which resulted in the revolution of 1979. This by itself strengthened my conviction that we must study and understand our history in its particular social and political content. That is to say revolts and revolutions are not something which appear suddenly, but are the product and result of historical developments in which peoples, as a living force, have taken part. These revolts and revolutions are, in fact, the manifestations of longstanding social injustices and oppressions which have been imposed on the people by despotic kings, irresponsible governments and reactionary rulers. In recent social upheavals of Iran I witnessed how thousands of sincere people and patriots gave their lives and wished to free their country from age old backwardness. This reflected the continuation of the constitutional revolution and K̲h̲iyābānī's uprising (1910-1920). Since my grandfather Mīrzā Muḥammad Tagī Ṭabāṭabā'ī K̲h̲ātambak̲hs̲h̲ was involved in the constitutional revolution and K̲h̲iyābānī's uprising and I naturally had heard a lot about K̲h̲iyābānī through my relatives, both personal curiosity and historical interest made me choose K̲h̲iyābānī as the subject of my research. Some books and articles have been written about K̲h̲iyābānī which are either very superficial or based on misrepresentation. They are superficial because they have not attempted to explain why and how K̲h̲iyābānī's uprising began and the reasons for its success and failure and the role of central government in Tehran in this event is not examined. K̲h̲iyābānī's original speeches and works have not been studied in depth. The opposition to K̲h̲iyābānī's uprising has misrepresented him in different ways. The most striking aspect of this is the fact that he has been accused by his political opponents over and over again of being a "separatist". Some historians have even either spelt K̲h̲iyābānī's name wrongly or copied the errors of others. I came to Edinburgh and was accepted as a postgraduate student in October 1979, and then went to London where I studied and examined the British Foreign office archives and also studied in the British Library. Through the Edinburgh University Library I received some books and newspapers in Russian, French, English, Persian and Azari. Three times I travelled to Iran where I could consult the Iranian Parliamentary documents, newspapers, books and interviewed a number of Iranians who either participated in or had valuable memories of K̲h̲iyābānī's uprising. It is hoped, therefore, that the present study will shed a great deal of light upon a hitherto much-neglected episode in modern Iranian history.