Years of psychotherapy practice at university, state, and military hospitals developed the author's interest in the presentation of love relationship problems. Mood and anxiety disorders, as the most prevalent pathologies, were often co-morbid with or secondary to partner relationship issues. Most vexing for clients was a situation of repeated dysfunctional partner selections in which similar problems arose each time. This incubated the idea of a process, probably outside of awareness, that functioned to perpetuate self-defeating partner selection patterns. The author was introduced to Money's `lovemap' concept during studies and identified readily with its principles and mechanisms. The lovemap is defined as a highly individualised, developed, mental template or cognitive blueprint of the ideal lover. It is assumed that every person has a lovemap, and would be able to describe it if asked the right questions. The concept promised to be a useful vehicle for studying self-defeating partner selection patterns, as `errors' might be coded into the lovemap that are expressed in such a presentation. The author identified the need to ground the lovemap concept in recognised psychological theory in order to motivate for its relevance. Kelly's theory of cognitive constructs provided robust links for lovemap as a sophisticated construction system, and the developmental theories of Freud and Erikson situated lovemap genesis within recognised periods of emerging human capacities to love and relate sexually; the stages of puberty to young adulthood. Lovemaps are assumed to function optimally when love and lust co-operate in pairbonding, or the capacity to couple. Extensive literature reviews cover the research fields of romantic love, human sexuality, and pairbonding, affording hypotheses as to lovemap pathology. A qualitative, Phenomenological research design of case studies with six adult persons, who had experienced radical contradictions of original lovemaps, identified when and how lovemap change took place. Thematic analysis of the attributions for change distilled a number of implications for therapy that would encourage certain indicated change processes. An integrative psychotherapy model recognises the cognitively- and socially constructed nature of lovemaps and proposes intervention components that blend cognitive-behavioural and narrative approaches. This model will be tested extensively with a suitable client population. / Psychology / D. Litt. ET Phil. (Psychology)

Esse estudo busca realizar reflexões sobre os significados, sentidos, tensões e contradições relacionados ao termo “independente” e sua contraparte, o termo “mainstream”, ligados ao processo de desenvolvimento das histórias em quadrinhos enquanto formação cultural. Essas reflexões são orientadas pelo conjunto de ideias de Raymond Williams, especialmente os conceitos de tecnologia, hegemonia e culturas alternativas, opositoras, residuais e emergentes. O trabalho está estruturado em cinco momentos. Primeiro as histórias em quadrinhos são abordadas como forma cultural e observamos as relações entre cultura e tecnologia no seu processo de formação. A seguir observamos particularidades desse processo dentro do contexto brasileiro. O terceiro momento apresenta os conceitos de Williams sobre culturas alternativas e antecipa a parte voltada para as intensas manifestações culturais da década de 1960 e seus desdobramentos. Finalmente, busca-se traçar uma visão geral do cenário de mudanças que se desenvolve a partir da década de 1980, enfatizando as histórias em quadrinhos publicadas no Brasil. A partir da observação do surgimento e consolidação de eventos como o Troféu HQ Mix e as feiras e bienais de quadrinhos, relacionados a novos processos de publicação e distribuição, buscamos analisar as obras e perfis de quatro autores contemporâneos de quadrinhos e compreender melhor os significados de termos como “independente”, “autoral”, “comercial”, “mainstream”, “alternativo” e outros, de uso comum nas diversas práticas das histórias em quadrinhos. Entre os resultados obtidos, notamos que: muitas das produções “independentes” contemporâneas apresentam características temáticas, estilísticas e materiais praticamente indistinguíveis das produções “mainstream”; algumas produções “mainstream” incorporam temas e propostas de culturas alternativas à hegemonia; o uso termo “independente” muitas vezes encobre as condições desfavoráveis de produção e sustento de diversos profissionais; considerando rigorosamente as culturas opositoras como um conjunto de ações de dimensão revolucionária, é difícil encontrar obras que efetivamente atendam a essa condição. / This study seeks to reflect on the meanings, senses, tensions and contradictions related to the term “independent” and its counterpart, the term “mainstream”, connected to the process of development of comics as a cultural formation. These reflections are guided by Raymond William’s set of ideas, especially the concepts of technology, hegemony and alternative, oppositional, residual, and emerging cultures. We structured the work in five moments. First, we approach comics as a cultural form and observe the relations between culture and technology in its process of formation. Next, we observe particularities of this process within the Brazilian context. In a third moment, we present Williams’ concepts on alternative cultures and anticipate the part devoted to the intense cultural manifestations of the 1960s and their unfolding. Finally, we attempt to give an overview of the scenario of changes that develops from the 1980s, emphasizing the comics published in Brazil. From the observation of the emergence and consolidation of events such as the HQ Mix Trophy and the comics fairs and biennials related to new publication and distribution processes, we sought to analyze the works and profiles of four contemporary comic authors and to better understand the meanings of terms such as "independent", "authorial", "commercial", "mainstream", "alternative" and others, commonly used in various comic book practices. Among the results obtained, we noticed that: many contemporary "independent" productions present thematic, stylistic and material characteristics practically indistinguishable from "mainstream" productions; some "mainstream" productions incorporate themes and proposals of cultures that are alternatives to hegemony; the use of the term “independent” often covers the unfavorable conditions of production and livelihood of several professionals; rigorously considering the opposing cultures as a set of actions of a revolutionary dimension, it is difficult to find works that effectively meet this condition.

La biographie intellectuelle de François Picavet (1851-1921) fournit l’occasion d’explorer les débuts de l’histoire de la philosophie médiévale en tant que discipline institutionnalisée, en France, de 1880 à 1920. Figure oubliée du médiévisme philosophique, Picavet fut maître de conférence à l’EPHE (section des sciences religieuses) dès 1888, puis directeur d’études à partir de 1907, secrétaire du Collège de France en 1904 et chargé de cours en histoire des philosophies médiévales à la Faculté des lettres de la Sorbonne dès 1906.Le parcours académique de Picavet s’inscrit dans un contexte particulier, qui voit l’histoire de la philosophie médiévale s’implanter de façon structurée et stable dans l’enseignement supérieur français. De même que d’autres disciplines institutionnalisées, l’histoire de la philosophie médiévale tire profit de la nécessité d’une réforme profonde du système universitaire, articulée dans les sphères politiques et scientifiques dès les années 1860 puis prolongée sous l’impulsion de la IIIe République, et qui aboutit à l’émergence de nouvellesstructures institutionnelles dans l’enseignement supérieur français (fondation de l’EPHE en 1868, création de nouveaux enseignements à la Sorbonne, dont une charge de cours en histoire de la philosophie médiévale en 1906). L’historiographie originale de Picavet restreint la signification des questions philosophiques médiévales qui demeurent liées à leur contexte historique d’origine: chaque système philosophique est ainsi l’expression partielle d’une civilisation donnée, au même titre que les expressions scientifiques, artistiques et artisanales que celle-ci est en mesure de produire et qui la caractérisent. / The intellectual biography of François Picavet (1851-1921) is an opportunity to explore the early days of the history of mediaeval philosophy as an institutionalised discipline in France from 1880 to 1920. A forgotten figure of the study of mediaeval philosophy, Picavet was a lecturer at EPHE (Religious Sciences department) from 1888 and director of studies from 1907, secretary of the Collège de France in 1904 and lecturer in the history of mediaeval philosophy at the Arts Faculty of the Sorbonne from 1906 onwards. Picavet’s academic career took place within a particular context in which the history of mediaeval philosophy came to be established in a structured and stable manner in French higher education. Like other institutionalised disciplines, the history of mediaeval philosophy benefited from the need for deep-seated reform of the university system, which was expressed in political and scientific circles from around 1860 and continued under the Third Republic, resulting in the emergence of new institutional structures in French higher education (the foundation of EPHE in 1868 and the creation of new courses at the Sorbonne, including a history of mediaeval philosophy course in 1906). Picavet’s original historiography confines the significance of mediaeval philosophical questions, which remain bound to the historical context in which they originated: thus, every philosophical system is the partial expression of a given civilisation, just like the scientific, artistic and craft related expressions which it produces and which characterise it.

Abstract The purpose of this research is to examine the history of elementary schools held by the Church as well as the history of primary schools, comprehensive schools and secondary schools in various municipalities in Lapland up to the end of school year 1998-99. This is a basic research. The examination proceeds from the founding of the first educational institution of each school type. The first itinerant catechists of Finland began teaching in Utsjoki in 1751. The first primary school was founded in Rovaniemi in 1870. Lapland changed over to comprehensive school system in 1972. The Tornio Pedagogium was granted founding permit in 1630. The schools held by the Church were either permanent or itinerant. The importance of permanent schools was insignificant in Lapland. Itinerant school system consisted of two categories; catechist schools and itinerant schools. Their educational aims were uniform. Catechists received their salary from the state whereas itinerant schools were maintained mainly by parishes. Catechist schools were founded only in the parishes of Northern and Eastern Lapland. In other parishes instruction was given by itinerant schools. Even in the beginning of the 1920's the amount of school-aged children in Lapland was higher in itinerant schools than in primary ones. The last catechist school was closed in Inari in 1954. The history of the primary school and comprehensive school can be divided into four periods. The starting point was the year 1866 when the Regulation on Primary Schools was issued. This first period came to an end in 1898 when each municipality of Lapland became obliged to divide its area into school districts. The Regulation on Primary Schools didn't oblige rural municipalities to found schools but made it possible for them. In school year 1897-98 only 24 schools gave instruction in Lapland. The obligation to form school districts brought schools even to the biggest villages in peripheral areas. In school year 1920-21 there were 96 schools in Lapland. The Compulsory Education Act was issued in 1921. The inhabitants of Lapland were active and hence in the autumn 1929 there were already 205 primary schools. The years subsequent to the war meant rapid progress in society with the result that more than 160 new primary schools were founded in Lapland. In school year 1957-58 the amount of schools was at its highest, 425. The fourth period in the history of the primary school and comprehensive school comprises the school years 1958-99. At that time the Primary Schools Act and Comprehensive Schools Act were in force. In the 1960's Finland and first of all Lapland were met by a severe crisis. Until now the increase of population had been strong. Now, however, it began to decrease. The inhabitants of peripheral areas began migrating to towns, Southern Finland and Sweden. In 1974-75 the amount of lower levels of the comprehensive school was no more than 313. The situation improved to some extent for 15 years due to the measures taken by the state. Consequently, in 1989-90 there were still 281 schools. In the 1990's Finland was shaken up by depression. In Lapland, then, unemployment increased, which resulted in migration. In autumn 1998 there were 200 lower levels of the comprehensive school. The only secondary school in Lapland was for a long time in Tornio. The next secondary school was founded in the town of Kemi in 1897. In autumn 1939 there were three educational institutions in Lapland enabling the students to continue their studies at university. After the war, especially in the 1960's, plenty of secondary schools were founded in Lapland. / Tiivistelmä Tavoitteenani on selvittää Lapin kirkollisten alkuopetuskoulujen sekä kansa-, perus- ja oppikoulujen historiaa kuntakohtaisesti lukuvuoden 1998-99 loppuun saakka. Kyseessä on perustutkimus. Tarkastelu alkaa kunkin koulumuodon ensimmäisen oppilaitoksen käynnistymisestä. Vuoden 1750 tienoilla aloittivat Utsjoella Suomen ensimmäiset kiertävät katekeetat opetustyönsä. Ensimmäinen kansakoulu avattiin Rovaniemellä 1870. Lappi siirtyi peruskoulujärjestelmään 1972. Tornion pedagogio sai perustamisluvan 1630. Kirkolliset koulut olivat kiinteitä tai kiertäviä. Kiinteiden koulujen merkitys Lapissa oli vähäinen. Kiertävät koulut ryhmitellään katekeetta- ja kiertokouluiksi. Niiden opetustavoitteet olivat yhteneväiset. Katekeettojen palkat maksoi valtio. Kiertokoulujen toiminnan rahoittivat lähinnä seurakunnat. Katekeettakouluja perustettiin vain Pohjois- ja Itä-Lapin seurakuntiin. Muissa seurakunnissa opetuksesta vastasivat kiertokoulut. Lapin kiertävissä kouluissa oli vielä 1920-luvun alussa enemmän kouluikäisiä kuin kansakouluissa. Viimeinen katekeettakoulu suljettiin Inarissa 1954. Kansa- ja peruskoulujen toiminta-aika jakaantuu luontevasti neljään jaksoon. Lähtöpiste on kansakouluasetuksen syntymävuosi 1866, ja ensimmäinen etappi päättyy 1898 piirijakoasetuksen antamiseen. Kansakouluasetus ei määrännyt maalaiskuntia perustamaan kansakouluja, mutta teki sen mahdolliseksi. Lukuvuonna 1897-98 oli Lapissa vain 24 koulua. Piirijakoasetus toi kouluja myös suurimpiin sivukyliin. Lukuvuonna 1920-21 kouluja oli 96. Oppivelvollisuuslaki annettiin 1921. Lapin asukkaat olivat aktiivisia, ja syksyllä 1929 kansakouluja oli jo 205. Väkevästi elettyinä sodanjälkeisinä vuosina Lapissa käynnistettiin vielä yli 160 uutta kansakoulua. Lukuvuonna 1957-58 kouluja oli ennätysmäärä 425. Neljäs tarkastelukausi käsittää lukuvuodet 1958-99, jolloin kansa- ja peruskoululait olivat voimassa. Suomea ja ennenkaikkea Lappia kohtasi 1960-luvulla suuri murros. Väestön voimakas kasvu pysähtyi kääntyen laskuun. Muuttoliike suuntautui maatalouskylistä kaupunkeihin, Etelä-Suomeen ja Ruotsiin. Ala-asteita oli 1974-75 enää 313. Valtion toimenpitein tilanne tasoittui 15 vuodeksi, ja kouluja oli 1989-90 vielä 281. Lama ravisteli 1990-luvulla Suomea. Lapissakin työttömyys kasvoi aiheuttaen poismuuttoaallon. Syksyllä 1998 ala-asteita oli 200. Torniossa oli pitkään Lapin ainoa oppikoulu. Kemistä tuli oppikoulukaupunki 1897. Syksyllä 1939 oli Lapissa kolme yliopistoon johtavaa oppilaitosta. Sodan jälkeen, erityisesti 1960-luvulla, perustettiin Lappiin runsaasti oppikouluja.

Abstract The purpose of this research is to examine the history of elementary schools held by the Church as well as the history of primary schools, comprehensive schools and secondary schools in various municipalities in Lapland up to the end of school year 1998-99. This is a basic research. The examination proceeds from the founding of the first educational institution of each school type. The first itinerant catechists of Finland began teaching in Utsjoki in 1751. The first primary school was founded in Rovaniemi in 1870. Lapland changed over to comprehensive school system in 1972. The Tornio Pedagogium was granted founding permit in 1630. The schools held by the Church were either permanent or itinerant. The importance of permanent schools was insignificant in Lapland. Itinerant school system consisted of two categories; catechist schools and itinerant schools. Their educational aims were uniform. Catechists received their salary from the state whereas itinerant schools were maintained mainly by parishes. Catechist schools were founded only in the parishes of Northern and Eastern Lapland. In other parishes instruction was given by itinerant schools. Even in the beginning of the 1920's the amount of school-aged children in Lapland was higher in itinerant schools than in primary ones. The last catechist school was closed in Inari in 1954. The history of the primary school and comprehensive school can be divided into four periods. The starting point was the year 1866 when the Regulation on Primary Schools was issued. This first period came to an end in 1898 when each municipality of Lapland became obliged to divide its area into school districts. The Regulation on Primary Schools didn't oblige rural municipalities to found schools but made it possible for them. In school year 1897-98 only 24 schools gave instruction in Lapland. The obligation to form school districts brought schools even to the biggest villages in peripheral areas. In school year 1920-21 there were 96 schools in Lapland. The Compulsory Education Act was issued in 1921. The inhabitants of Lapland were active and hence in the autumn 1929 there were already 205 primary schools. The years subsequent to the war meant rapid progress in society with the result that more than 160 new primary schools were founded in Lapland. In school year 1957-58 the amount of schools was at its highest, 425. The fourth period in the history of the primary school and comprehensive school comprises the school years 1958-99. At that time the Primary Schools Act and Comprehensive Schools Act were in force. In the 1960's Finland and first of all Lapland were met by a severe crisis. Until now the increase of population had been strong. Now, however, it began to decrease. The inhabitants of peripheral areas began migrating to towns, Southern Finland and Sweden. In 1974-75 the amount of lower levels of the comprehensive school was no more than 313. The situation improved to some extent for 15 years due to the measures taken by the state. Consequently, in 1989-90 there were still 281 schools. In the 1990's Finland was shaken up by depression. In Lapland, then, unemployment increased, which resulted in migration. In autumn 1998 there were 200 lower levels of the comprehensive school. The only secondary school in Lapland was for a long time in Tornio. The next secondary school was founded in the town of Kemi in 1897. In autumn 1939 there were three educational institutions in Lapland enabling the students to continue their studies at university. After the war, especially in the 1960's, plenty of secondary schools were founded in Lapland. / Tiivistelmä Tavoitteenani on selvittää Lapin kirkollisten alkuopetuskoulujen sekä kansa-, perus- ja oppikoulujen historiaa kuntakohtaisesti lukuvuoden 1998-99 loppuun saakka. Kyseessä on perustutkimus. Tarkastelu alkaa kunkin koulumuodon ensimmäisen oppilaitoksen käynnistymisestä. Vuoden 1750 tienoilla aloittivat Utsjoella Suomen ensimmäiset kiertävät katekeetat opetustyönsä. Ensimmäinen kansakoulu avattiin Rovaniemellä 1870. Lappi siirtyi peruskoulujärjestelmään 1972. Tornion pedagogio sai perustamisluvan 1630. Kirkolliset koulut olivat kiinteitä tai kiertäviä. Kiinteiden koulujen merkitys Lapissa oli vähäinen. Kiertävät koulut ryhmitellään katekeetta- ja kiertokouluiksi. Niiden opetustavoitteet olivat yhteneväiset. Katekeettojen palkat maksoi valtio. Kiertokoulujen toiminnan rahoittivat lähinnä seurakunnat. Katekeettakouluja perustettiin vain Pohjois- ja Itä-Lapin seurakuntiin. Muissa seurakunnissa opetuksesta vastasivat kiertokoulut. Lapin kiertävissä kouluissa oli vielä 1920-luvun alussa enemmän kouluikäisiä kuin kansakouluissa. Viimeinen katekeettakoulu suljettiin Inarissa 1954. Kansa- ja peruskoulujen toiminta-aika jakaantuu luontevasti neljään jaksoon. Lähtöpiste on kansakouluasetuksen syntymävuosi 1866, ja ensimmäinen etappi päättyy 1898 piirijakoasetuksen antamiseen. Kansakouluasetus ei määrännyt maalaiskuntia perustamaan kansakouluja, mutta teki sen mahdolliseksi. Lukuvuonna 1897-98 oli Lapissa vain 24 koulua. Piirijakoasetus toi kouluja myös suurimpiin sivukyliin. Lukuvuonna 1920-21 kouluja oli 96. Oppivelvollisuuslaki annettiin 1921. Lapin asukkaat olivat aktiivisia, ja syksyllä 1929 kansakouluja oli jo 205. Väkevästi elettyinä sodanjälkeisinä vuosina Lapissa käynnistettiin vielä yli 160 uutta kansakoulua. Lukuvuonna 1957-58 kouluja oli ennätysmäärä 425. Neljäs tarkastelukausi käsittää lukuvuodet 1958-99, jolloin kansa- ja peruskoululait olivat voimassa. Suomea ja ennenkaikkea Lappia kohtasi 1960-luvulla suuri murros. Väestön voimakas kasvu pysähtyi kääntyen laskuun. Muuttoliike suuntautui maatalouskylistä kaupunkeihin, Etelä-Suomeen ja Ruotsiin. Ala-asteita oli 1974-75 enää 313. Valtion toimenpitein tilanne tasoittui 15 vuodeksi, ja kouluja oli 1989-90 vielä 281. Lama ravisteli 1990-luvulla Suomea. Lapissakin työttömyys kasvoi aiheuttaen poismuuttoaallon. Syksyllä 1998 ala-asteita oli 200. Torniossa oli pitkään Lapin ainoa oppikoulu. Kemistä tuli oppikoulukaupunki 1897. Syksyllä 1939 oli Lapissa kolme yliopistoon johtavaa oppilaitosta. Sodan jälkeen, erityisesti 1960-luvulla, perustettiin Lappiin runsaasti oppikouluja.

Bien que la carrière politique fédérale d'Esioff-Léon Patenaude (1915-1926) semble assez peu orthodoxe, y a-t-il un élément qui a assuré une certaine continuité à cette carrière évoluant apparemment en dents de scie? La réponse à laquelle nous sommes arrivé, permet d'expliquer le comment et le pourquoi de toutes les arabesques politiques qui semblent incompréhensibles à première vue. Nos recherches nous ont amené à croire qu'au-delà des ambitions et de l'opportunisme politiques purs, éléments tout de même perceptibles au fil de sa carrière, c'est aussi le sentiment nationaliste canadien qui a pu guider le comportement politique de Patenaude, sentiment se traduisant par un désir de voir se concrétiser un Canada uni, biculturel, autonome au sein de l'Empire et économiquement émancipé. Cette constance contraste d'ailleurs singulièrement avec l'apparence hétéroclite que nous présente l'évolution politique du personnage. / Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2013

This thesis provides a critical examination of John Rawls’s political philosophy as it relates to international justice and human rights, Rawls’s theory of justice as fairness has made an enormous impact on contemporary political and ethical theory, yet it has been criticized by some for failing to address the extra-domestic aspects of social justice, including universal human rights. In Chapter One I describe the theoryof.rights, developed in the social contract tradition and how this theory has influenced the modern discourse of human rights. In Chapter Two I discuss Rawls’s theory of justice as fairness, the basic rights and liberties, and the idea of political liberalism. In Chapter Three 1 analyze Rawls’s account of international justice and argue that it fails to uphold the same rigorous principles of justice as found in his account of domestic justice. Finally, in Chapter Four l discuss Rawls’s more recent attempts to theorize international justice and human rights, I conclude that Rawls is not justified in limiting the set of human rights available to persons in different societies, and that this limitation is an unnecessary feature of his theory of justice. In contrast 1 argue for a more cosmopolitan system of social justice that is strongly normative and grounded in Rawlsian ideal theory. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / D.Litt. et Phil. (Philosophy)

This phenomenological study discusses the problem of whether the agents or actors who design strategies take full account of the concepts that their plans are designed to change. Therefore, I critically assess DramAidE's methodology in order to show how efficient it is in the light of Freirean pedagogy. In that, the study investigates whether there is an analytically bulletproof communication form that necessarily achieves behaviour change, as has occasionally been attributed to Freire. The theoretical framework of this study includes development communication theories along with the Entertainment-Education approach (EE) used in health communication. More specifically, the study is informed by Freirean critical pedagogy and behaviour change theories. On the other hand, the Social Learning Theory (Bandura, 1977), the Fixation of Belief Model (Peirce, 1877) and the concepts of intimate and social realms (Arendt, 1958) are also used to explain the realities observed in DramAidE's programmes. The methodologies used, in addition to the literature review, consisted of semistructured in-depth interviews along with focus group discussions with DramAidE's staff, schoolchildren, teachers and caregivers. Among the results established by this study, it is worth mentioning the growing interest displayed by beneficiaries towards DramAidE's programmes. Life-skills claimed by learners included aspects such as self-confidence, assertiveness, decision making skills, informed sexuality, and improved communication. However, serious discrepancies were noticed between these life-skills, how well they were mastered and how effectively the learners put them into practice. Reasons for that proved to be rooted chiefly in peer pressures and cultural stumbling blocks, for example gender inequality and violence against females. This means that peer educators needed a more supportive environment to extend DramAidE's action. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2004.

Women have been part of modern revolutions since the American Revolution against Great Britain. Most descriptions and analyses of revolution relegate women to a supporting role, or make no mention of women's involvement at all. This work differs from prior efforts in that it will explore one possible explanation for the successes of three revolutions based upon the levels of women's support for those revolutions. An analysis of the three cases (Ireland, Russia, and Nicaragua) suggests a series of hypotheses about women's participation in revolution and its importance to revolutions' success.

This thesis explores the extent to which eschatology shapes temporal existence. The interlocutors are Alexander Schmemann and Joseph Ratzinger. The first part of the thesis examines (1) Schmemann's account of eschatology, (2) how this shapes temporality, and (3) what it means to be a person in time. Schmemann's account is based upon a dualistic conception of temporality in which ‘this world', the ‘old' aeon, finds its meaning and life in the ‘new' aeon. Thus, meaning is found anagogically and teleologically, and human persons are called not only to ascend and leave the ‘old' aeon but, as priests, to instil meaning into the world by offering it to God. It is argued that although Schmemann's anthropology is Christocentric and relational, it remains, like his view of temporality, teleologically unidirectional. The second part of the thesis addresses the same questions as are raised in part one but of Ratzinger's theological approach. For Ratzinger eschatology is absorbed into Christology, and thus it is understood relationally as is also the case with his account of history. The Logos as dia-Logos works within history ‘wooing' humankind into relationship with the trinitarian God. As a result of Ratzinger's relation vision, history is undivided––there is no ‘old' and ‘new' aeon––and history succeeding Christ continues to be Advent history. As historical creatures, human persons are relational beings who must be understood as both ‘with' and ‘for' the other. Temporality as relational ‘space' is central to his account and interpreted as grounded in the eternal being of the relational God. The thesis concludes that for Ratzinger God's triune relationality shapes eschatology and what it means to be a person in time. Whereas, for Schmemann, the converse is the case: eschatology informs his conception of relationality, temporality, and personhood. As a result of the primacy of eschatology in Schmemann's theology human temporal existence is ultimately denigrated.