Orientador : Rosemary Arrojo / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Intituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-27T21:52:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Moreno_Silene_D.pdf: 12141311 bytes, checksum: 19cbe13a22c6e806d34f145afb83715c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2001 / Doutorado

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T04:44:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sales_CamilaMariaRisso_M.pdf: 636935 bytes, checksum: 56e5de38a9c8ad2732ef33e40df5c820 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: A partir do início dos anos 90, com o estabelecimento de uma nova ordem internacional não mais pautada pela bipolaridade leste/oeste, o Brasil reformula sua política externa. Temas como meio ambiente, direitos humanos, segurança e não proliferação, interdependência econômica e migrações passam a fazer parte da pauta de discussão da política externa brasileira. Assim, a escolha deste objeto está justificada pela necessidade de se analisar, conceitual e empiricamente, como a política externa brasileira vem sendo tratada pelos dois últimos dirigentes e como a mudança de governo afetou a formulação desta, que vinha numa constante desde o início dos anos 90, no governo Itamar Franco, quando Fernando Henrique Cardoso assumiu o Ministério das Relações Exteriores em outubro de 1992. Desta maneira, a análise da política externa de um país é uma tentativa de encontrarmos padrões da atuação internacional deste. Portanto, o objetivo deste trabalho está em descobrir que elementos destes padrões se mantiveram e quais foram alterados com a subida de Lula ao poder depois de oito anos de governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Dito isso, nossa hipótese centra-se na idéia de que o governo Lula, diferente do que pôde ser verificado no governo FHC, está disposto a assumir seu papel de hegemon, não só regionalmente, mas também em foros maiores onde o país assume uma postura de liderança frente aos países em desenvolvimento. Acredita-se, no entanto, que existem muitas continuidades entre a política externa dos anos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e do governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva / Abstract: From the beginning of the 90¿s, with the establishment of a new international order not controlled by the bipolarity east/west anymore, Brazil reformulates its external politics. Subjects as human environment, rights, security and no proliferation, economic interdependence and migrations start to be part of the guideline of reflection of the Brazilian external politics. So, the importance of this object is justified by the necessity of analyzing, how the Brazilian external politics have been treated by the two last presidents and how the government change affected the Brazilian external politics that has been constant since the beginning of the 90¿s, in the government Itamar Franco, when Fernando Henrique Cardoso assumed the Department of State in October of 1992. In this way, the analysis of the external politics of a country is an attempt to find standards in the international performance. Therefore, the objective of this research is discover which elements of these standards had been kept and which of them had been modified with the ascent of Lula after eight years of Fernando Henrique Cardoso¿s government. Then, our hypothesis is centered in the idea that the government Lula, differently from what it could be verified in government FHC, intends to assume its role of hegemon, regionally, but also in bigger forums where the country assumes the leadership of the developing countries. However, it is possible to say that there is much continuity between the external politics of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and he government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política

Orientador: Izabel Andrade Marson / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T02:42:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Costa_AlexandreJoseGoncalves_D.pdf: 2151629 bytes, checksum: 5b1de45a42ffca90c338135b2a026836 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: A pesquisa aqui apresentada trata da mudança de sentido no discurso políticosocial católico no Brasil em meados do século XX. Através da análise da revista A Ordem, no período de 1931 a 1958, mostramos como há um movimento de afastamento dos fascismos e de defesa de uma concepção autoritária de sociedade para a aproximação da democracia e defesa de seus valores. Neste deslocamento, identificamos as permanências, as mudanças, as recriações de elementos em seu discurso que sustentaram a apropriação dos valores da liberdade, do pluralismo político, da justiça social. Os intelectuais católicos responsáveis por essa passagem eram ligados ao filósofo francês Maritain e constituíam o principal núcleo político católico leigo no Brasil de meados do século passado / Abstract: The present study concerns the change in direction in the Catholic politicalsocial discourse in Brazil in the middle 20th century. Through analysis of the periodical A Ordem in the period 1931-1958, we show that there is a distancing from fascism and championing of an authoritarian concept of society to an approximation of democracy and supporting of its values. In this dislocation, we identify in its discourse the permanences, changes and re-creations of elements to support the appropriation of values of liberty, political pluralism and social justice. The Catholic intellectuals in charge of this transition were associated with the French philosopher Maritain, and composed the main lay political core in Brazil in the middle 20th century / Doutorado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Doutor em História

Orientador: Plínio de Arruda Sampaio Júnior / Tese (doutorado) ¿ Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T07:08:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Hadler_JoaoPaulodeToledoCamargo_D.pdf: 1969737 bytes, checksum: c5afab79185c5bb51c5a301778752574 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O objetivo da tese é avaliar em que medida a controvérsia entre Ruy Mauro Marini e Fernando Henrique Cardoso permite avançar na compreensão dos problemas do desenvolvimento em sociedades nacionais de origem colonial e posição periférica. Fernando Henrique Cardoso transforma a situação de dependência em fator positivo para o desenvolvimento das forças produtivas. Além disso, desvincula o desenvolvimento capitalista dependente da necessidade de reproduzir um regime de segregação social e formas particularmente extorsivas de exploração da força de trabalho. Dependência e segregação social deixam de serem problemas, do ponto de vista do desenvolvimento econômico. Assim, Cardoso nega a necessidade das revoluções democrática e nacional, isto é, a necessidade histórica de ruptura da dupla articulação - a situação de dependência e o regime de segregação social - como condição para que aquelas sociedades assumam o controle do próprio destino. Ruy Mauro Marini encontra a explicação para a necessidade de reprodução da dupla articulação nas próprias leis imanentes do modo de produção capitalista, em seu desenvolvimento desigual e contraditório em escala mundial. A perenidade de nossa situação de dependência e de um padrão de segregação social é entendida como problemas vinculados à própria lógica do capital, e não como problemas de formação. Por isso, Marini condiciona a superação da dupla articulação à supressão das próprias relações capitalistas de produção na periferia do sistema, por meio da revolução socialista, também fazendo desaparecer a necessidade histórica das revoluções nacional e democrática, como elos concretos da revolução brasileira. A possibilidade da reforma, em Cardoso, está assentada na superestimação da autonomia relativa da política, posto que esvaziada de uma análise de classe, que elucidasse o padrão de luta de classes no capitalismo brasileiro e, portanto, a forma pela qual se estabelecem os nexos necessários entre economia, sociedade e política, na situação concreta de uma formação social de passado colonial e escravista. Em Marini, a possibilidade - e necessidade - da revolução fica a depender da radicalização dos antagonismos de classe posta pela agudização de contradições gerais e abstratas entre capital e trabalho, ou seja, por uma lógica da acumulação independente da luta de classes concreta. À medida que não partem da consideração dos problemas de nossa sociedade colocados na perspectiva de sua formação histórica, as soluções propostas por Cardoso e Marini aos dilemas do capitalismo dependente são igualmente arbitrárias. Nossa intenção é oferecer uma contribuição para a retomada de um debate necessário, chamando a atenção para a importância e atualidade da perspectiva da formação nacional / Abstract: The aim of the thesis is to evaluate to what extent the controversy between Ruy Mauro Marini and Fernando Henrique Cardoso allows advance understanding of issues of development in national societies from colonial origin and peripheral position. Fernando Henrique Cardoso turns the situation of dependence on a positive factor for the development of productive forces. Furthermore, releasing the dependent capitalist development the need to reproduce a system of social segregation and particularly extortionate forms of exploitation of labor power. Dependence and social segregation are no longer issues from the point of view of economic development. Thus, Cardoso denies the need for national and democratic revolutions, that is, the historical need to break the double articulation - the situation of dependency and social segregation regime - as a condition for those companies take control of their own destiny. Ruy Mauro Marini finds the explanation for the need to play the double articulation in its own immanent laws of capitalist mode of production, in its contradictory and uneven development on a world scale. The continuity of our situation of dependency and a pattern of social segregation are understood as problems linked with the logic of capital, and not as formation problems. So Marini conditions overcoming the abolition of double articulation own capitalist relations of production in the periphery of the system through socialist revolution, also blurring the historical necessity of the national and democratic revolutions, such as concrete links of the Brazilian revolution. The possibility of reform in Cardoso, sits in an overestimation of the relative autonomy of politics, since emptied of a class analysis, to elucidate the pattern of class struggle in Brazilian capitalism and therefore the way in which the connections are established needed between the economy, society and politics, in the concrete situation of a social formation of colonial past and slavery. In Marini, the possibility - and necessity - of revolution is dependent on the radicalization of class contradictions posed by the worsening of general and abstract contradictions between capital and labor, i.e., by a logic of accumulation independent of the concrete class struggle. As we do not start from the consideration of the problems of our society placed in the perspective of its historical formation, the solutions proposed by Cardoso Marini and the dilemmas of dependent capitalism are equally arbitrary. Our intention is to offer a contribution to the recovery of a necessary debate, drawing attention to the importance and timeliness of the national formation perspective / Doutorado / Teoria Economica / Doutor em Ciências Econômicas

The purpose of a psychobiography is to describe an individual‟s life while using a psychological theory. James Warren “Jim” Jones was selected through purposive sampling because of his instrumental role in organising the largest mass suicide in recorded USA history. Kernberg‟s (1979; 1985; 2004) object relations theory was used to illuminate his life and personality dynamics, a theory focused on describing the borderline personality organisation. The study employed a qualitative single case study design, and data was analysed according to the principals set out by Yin (1994) as well as Miles and Huberman (1994). Results indicated that Kernberg‟s (1979; 1985; 2004) theory was suitable in shedding light on the life of this infamous historical figure, which resulted in an increased understanding of the application of this psychological theory. Lastly, it contributed towards increasing the limited number of psychobiographical studies conducted in South Africa.

The thesis which follows is, as the title suggests, a general study of the Right in Spain from the beginning of the Second Republic in April 1931 until the outbreak of the Civil War in July 1936. Pride of place has been given to the <u>CEDA</u> (and its antecedents <u>Acción Nacional</u> and <u>Acción Popular</u>) because this was the biggest and most important of the parties of the Right during the Republic. The terra 'Right' has been taken to signify those parties which did not proclaim themselves Republican, i.e. principally the Catholic CEDA, the Monarchist groups and the 'Fascist' <u>Falonge</u>. Consideration has also been given to two important institutions usually believed to be 'on the Right': the Church and the Army. Although some information on the Right has appeared in various books, no attempt at a comprehensive study has hitherto been made. Galindo Herrero's <u>Los partidos monárquicos bajo la aegunda República</u> (1936) deals inadequately with the Monarchist parties. Professor Payne'a study of the <u>Falange</u> does not satisfactorily place the movement in the context of the other Rightist movements with which it quarrelled or was from time to time connected. The same author's work on the Army (<u>Politics and the Military in Modern Spain</u>), was published just before this thesis went to the typist, as were the biographies of Franco by Crosier and Hills. Professor Sánchez's book on the Church and the Republic, <u>Reform and Reaction</u>, appeared in 1964, two years after work on this thesis began. Concentration on the <u>CEDA</u> in this thesis is felt by the writer to be fUlly justified, not only because of that party's size and importance for the history of the Republic, but also because it has hitherto been so neglected by historians. Only one book in any language deals with it - Monge Bernal's <u>Acción Popular</u> - and it is an 'authorized' history written by a party member at the end of 1935. Neglect of the party's history is perhaps attributable to the fact that its leaders were <u>personae non gratae</u> both to the Left and to the victors in the Civil War. The purpose of this thesis is therefore to try and provide a comprehensive study of the Right during the Republic. The thesis endeavours to explain why the various parties existed, to trace the development of each of them and to give an account of relations between them. The attitude of each to the Church and to the Army (and <u>vice versa</u>) is also discussed. An attempt is also made to examine and explain the policies, ideology and strength of each and, so far as is possible, to indicate socially and geographically whence came their supporters. The absence of adequate biographical information has however hindered a proper study of the economic interests represented by them. This thesis also constitutes an attempt to set the Right's activities firmly within the broader context of the history of the Republic and the events leading up to the Civil War. For this reason the chronological approach adopted would seem to be justified: the events of the years 1931-1936 in Spain are comparable in their complexity to those of, for example, the years 1789-1799 in France. Furthermore, the activities and development of the Right were to a considerable extent dictated by this kaleidoscopic sequence of events in which, by and large, the Left held the initiative.

No description available.

Though the Danish composer, Carl Nielsen, has become familiar to most of us only through his symphonic output, he was a gifted composer of other genres including chamber music, keyboard music, concertos, vocal music, and lesser orchestral works. His music is well-known throughout Scandinavia, but has not received widespread recognition elsewhere, though much of it could be a valuable addition to the repertory of Western musicians. In view of this fact, the author will outline Nielsen's output and style with special emphasis on his violin music and its appropriateness for performance.

No description available.

It seems unwise to compare Eileen Chang and Alice Munro, because at first glance the urban traits of Chang's Shanghai and Hong Kong romances are dissimilar to the rural idiosyncrasies of Munro's southwestern Ontario stories. However, both the female writers describe in their fiction the women characters' romantic fantasies and their interrelationships with reality. In Chang's Romances, in the westernized and commercialized cosmopolitan set, a new age is coming, and the traditional patriarchal familial and moral systems are disintegrating. The women try to escape from frustrating circumstances through the rescue of romantic love and marriage. In Munro's fiction, the women attempt to get ride of their banal small-town cultures in order to search for freedom of imagination and expression through the medium of art, although at ; the center of their quest for selfhood is always their love and hate relationship with men. The women are in the dilemma of "female financial reality" and romantic love; they express their desires and fears through immoral and abnormal love relationships and vicarious escapades in their imagination; their interpretation of life and love is in reference to art in general, but such interpretation is full of disguise. Only in their unbound daydreams and imagination can they express their desires freely. Alice Munro and Eileen Chang's fictional worlds bespeak a sense of femininity. / Arts, Faculty of / English, Department of / Graduate