This dissertation brings the works of Antonio Gramsci and W.E.B. Du Bois in conversation with each other to theorize transformative hegemony as a project aiming to overcome racial capitalism despite the backlashes and resilience of this social order. The dissertation argues that racial capitalism is sustained by a strategy that divides the subalterns, the non-ruling classes, through coercion and co-optation in a way that perpetuates cycles of crises and violence. The project of transformative hegemony aims to overcome this by forming a broad passionate coalition of the subalterns around a new worldview that can offer a genuine answer to the contradiction of this socio-economic system. To form such a coalition despite the pervasive division amongst the subalterns, Gramsci and Du Bois present a strategy of war of position that is meant to empower the subalterns and destabilize the ruling coalition. They compare this strategy to a form of trench warfare because it prepares the subalterns for a long-term struggle, requires mobilizing a broad coalition from different groups with diverse needs, interests, and grievances, and creates trenches to foster transformation in different spheres of society. The dissertation develops Gramsci and Du Bois’s insight into the role of culture, leadership, science, and the organization of movements as trenches of transformation meant to empower the subalterns and destabilize the ruling coalition to bring about a transformative hegemony.

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In the year 2004 South Africa celebrated its first ten years of democracy, which reflected the success of the struggle for the liberation of this country. The year 1960 was considered as a year of strong resistance throughout South Africa. Political leaders like Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Robert Sobukwe, Raymond Mhlaba, Chief Albert Luthuli, Walter Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada, Lionel Bernstein, Dennis Goldberg and others played a vital role in leading the black people to resist the plan of the current Prime Minister Hendrick Verwoerd, who deprived Africans of their citizenship by forcing the Bantustan system upon them. On the 6th June 1960 more than four thousand Pondos from eastern Pondoland (Bizana, Lusikisiki, Flagstaff and Ntabankulu) met at Ngquza Hill with the intention of discussing their problems. They demanded the withdrawal of the hated system of the Bantu Authorities Act, the representation of all South Africans in the Republic's Parliament, relief from increased taxes and the abolition of the pass system. Before these problems were tabled before the people, a military force had occupied Ngquza Hill. The peaceful meeting was turned into a massacre of innocent people, when police shot victims, tear-gassed them and beat them with batons. Eleven people were killed, many of them were shot in the backs of their heads; and more than 48 casualties were hospitalized and arrested. The Paramount Chief, Botha Sigcau, was blamed for the massacre because he was seen as supporting the government, and this led to the uprising in Pondoland from 1960 to 1963. This event happened three months after the Sharpeville shooting of the 21st March 1960. More than 200 casualties were reported and 69 unarmed protesters were shot dead outside the police station. The ANC and PAC, the liberation movements of the day, were banned and a state of emergency was declared. The Nationalist government suspected the African National Congress of being behind the revolt in Pondoland. The ringleaders of the Pondo Revolt were Mthethunzima Ganyile, Anderson Ganyile, Solomon Madikizela and Theophulus Ntshangela. They listed the Acts that were to be protested against as follows: The Bantu Authorities Act of 1951, the Bantu Education Act of 1953, the Pass Law System of 1952, as well as rehabilitation and betterment schemes. These Acts were imposed by the National Party through Paramount Chief Botha Sigcau. All were detrimental to the future of the Pondo people. Church leaders such as Beyers Naude, Ben Marais and Bartholomeus Keet of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), Archbishop Geoffrey Clayton and Archbishop Desmond Tutu of the Anglican Church, Rev Charles Villa-Vicencio of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa, Allan Boesak of the Dutch Reformed Mission Church (DRMC) and others played a major role in confronting and challenging the Nationalist government, which justified apartheid as grounded on Scripture. Not all church leaders opposed this policy: the Dutch Reformed Church was the bedrock of apartheid, along with other Afrikaans speaking churches. This dissertation will serve as a tool to determine the involvement of the church regarding the Pondo Revolt in South Africa from 1960 to 1963. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Church History)

In the year 2004 South Africa celebrated its first ten years of democracy, which reflected the success of the struggle for the liberation of this country. The year 1960 was considered as a year of strong resistance throughout South Africa. Political leaders like Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Robert Sobukwe, Raymond Mhlaba, Chief Albert Luthuli, Walter Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada, Lionel Bernstein, Dennis Goldberg and others played a vital role in leading the black people to resist the plan of the current Prime Minister Hendrick Verwoerd, who deprived Africans of their citizenship by forcing the Bantustan system upon them. On the 6th June 1960 more than four thousand Pondos from eastern Pondoland (Bizana, Lusikisiki, Flagstaff and Ntabankulu) met at Ngquza Hill with the intention of discussing their problems. They demanded the withdrawal of the hated system of the Bantu Authorities Act, the representation of all South Africans in the Republic's Parliament, relief from increased taxes and the abolition of the pass system. Before these problems were tabled before the people, a military force had occupied Ngquza Hill. The peaceful meeting was turned into a massacre of innocent people, when police shot victims, tear-gassed them and beat them with batons. Eleven people were killed, many of them were shot in the backs of their heads; and more than 48 casualties were hospitalized and arrested. The Paramount Chief, Botha Sigcau, was blamed for the massacre because he was seen as supporting the government, and this led to the uprising in Pondoland from 1960 to 1963. This event happened three months after the Sharpeville shooting of the 21st March 1960. More than 200 casualties were reported and 69 unarmed protesters were shot dead outside the police station. The ANC and PAC, the liberation movements of the day, were banned and a state of emergency was declared. The Nationalist government suspected the African National Congress of being behind the revolt in Pondoland. The ringleaders of the Pondo Revolt were Mthethunzima Ganyile, Anderson Ganyile, Solomon Madikizela and Theophulus Ntshangela. They listed the Acts that were to be protested against as follows: The Bantu Authorities Act of 1951, the Bantu Education Act of 1953, the Pass Law System of 1952, as well as rehabilitation and betterment schemes. These Acts were imposed by the National Party through Paramount Chief Botha Sigcau. All were detrimental to the future of the Pondo people. Church leaders such as Beyers Naude, Ben Marais and Bartholomeus Keet of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), Archbishop Geoffrey Clayton and Archbishop Desmond Tutu of the Anglican Church, Rev Charles Villa-Vicencio of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa, Allan Boesak of the Dutch Reformed Mission Church (DRMC) and others played a major role in confronting and challenging the Nationalist government, which justified apartheid as grounded on Scripture. Not all church leaders opposed this policy: the Dutch Reformed Church was the bedrock of apartheid, along with other Afrikaans speaking churches. This dissertation will serve as a tool to determine the involvement of the church regarding the Pondo Revolt in South Africa from 1960 to 1963. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Church History)

PORTO, Márcio de Souza. Dom Delgado na igreja de seu tempo (1963 – 1969). 2007. 215f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2007. / Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-27T16:13:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_Dis_MSPorto.pdf: 16072367 bytes, checksum: c5ba0b6d28410e0cd5516076eed44b5a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-07-20T13:56:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_Dis_MSPorto.pdf: 16072367 bytes, checksum: c5ba0b6d28410e0cd5516076eed44b5a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-07-20T13:56:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_Dis_MSPorto.pdf: 16072367 bytes, checksum: c5ba0b6d28410e0cd5516076eed44b5a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / O recudescimento da cultura política autoritária na década de 60 no Brasil coincidiu com a realização do Concílio Vaticano II (1962 - 1965), a mais importante reforma do catolicismo no século XX. O Concílio ao tentar responder às problemáticas resultantes do pós-guerra, reformulou a doutrina da Igreja, aprovou novidades como padres operários, a missa em língua vernácula e privilegiou a participação dos leigos nas pastorais. Aqui buscamos problematizar as vicissitudes do catolicismo no Ceará na década de 1960, período de renovação do pensamento social cristão a partir da determinação da libertação social do pobre como imperativo teológico e ético. Tomando como referencial o episcopado de Dom José de Medeiros Delgado, nos interessa perceber os deslocamentos que foram se operacionalizando no catolicismo no Ceará, no recorte cronológico aqui estabelecido (1963 - 1969). Por um lado, interpretaremos como a Igreja foi alterando o seu perfil institucional, a sua imagem tradicional e, por outro, explicitaremos os condiconamentos históricos que possibilitaram uma maior articulação da Igreja com o universo social.

Orientador: Michael McDonald Hall / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-13T04:51:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Siqueira_Elcio_D.pdf: 5205650 bytes, checksum: 72f1ce903f4965b04780b8f77b60052a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: Este estudo analisa a experiência de construção de uma corrente sindical operária de feição democrata-cristã na cidade de São Paulo entre 1954 e 1963 centrada nos trabalhadores da Companhia Brasileira de Cimento Portland Perus, localizada no bairro paulistano com este mesmo nome. O movimento conseguiu projeção no plano da política nacional em razão da importância econômica da empresa e do amplo leque de alianças sociais e políticas articuladas pela direção do sindicato operário local. Nos anos de 1959 e 1962, o sindicalismo de Perus realizou um interessante processo de articulação de suas lutas com mobilizações dos trabalhadores da região do ABC influenciados pelo trabalho pastoral desenvolvido por Dom Jorge Marcos de Oliveira, o ?Bispo dos Operários?. Dessa iniciativa resultou a formação da Frente Nacional do Trabalho em 1960, associação civil comprometida com a luta por um sindicalismo desatrelado do Ministério do Trabalho. O ponto alto do movimento foi a grande greve de 1962-1963 que visava à desapropriação da Companhia de Cimento pelo Estado de São Paulo para que uma cooperativa operária assumisse a gestão da empresa. Esta paralisação colocou em xeque a administração Carvalho Pinto (1959-1963) e não se esfacelou com o afastamento da maioria dos grevistas da Companhia em agosto de 1962, pois prosseguiu de diversas formas, fora da fábrica, até a reintegração ao trabalho dos operários estáveis no ano de 1969, num total de sete anos e quatro meses de greve legal. Os acontecimentos de 1962-1963, todavia, levaram a direção do sindicato a repensar seu projeto político, levando-a a constituir uma variante brasileira do movimento da Não-Violência afinado com as profundas mudanças pelas quais passou a Igreja Católica do Brasil na década de 1960. / Abstract: This study analyzes the experience of construction of a Democrat-Christian laboring syndical group in the city of São Paulo between 1954 and 1963 centered in the workers of Brazilian Portland Cement Company, located in the district named Perus. The movement obtained projection in the national politics in reason of the economic importance of the Company and because the ample fan of social and politic alliances articulated by the direction of the local laboring union. In the years of 1959 and 1962, the unionism of Perus carried through an interesting process of joint of its fights with mobilizations of the workers of the region of the ABC influenced by the pastoral work developed under the leadership of Dom Jorge Marcos de Oliveira, the ?Bishop of the Workers?. The formation of the National Front of the Work (Frente Nacional do Trabalho, FNT) in 1960 resulted of this initiative. FNT was a civil association compromised with the fight for an independent unionism. The high point of the movement was the great strike of 1962-1963 that it aimed at to the dispossession of the Cement Company for the State of São Paulo: the workmen on strike intended that a laboring cooperative assumed the management of the company. This strike challenged the administration of the Governor Carvalho Pinto (1959-1963) and wasn't dissolver with the removal of the majority of the strikers of the Company in August of 1962. Therefore, it continued of diverse forms until the reintegration to the work of a part of laborers in the year of 1969, totalizing seven years and four months of legal strike. The 1962-1963 events, however, had taken the direction of the union to rethink its politician project, being taken it to constitute a Brazilian variant of the movement of Not-Violence conjoined with the deep changes happened in the Church Catholic of Brazil during the decade of 1960. / Doutorado / Historia Social / Doutor em História Social

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This problem's investigation deals with gauging the artistic influence, if any, pioneer editorial cartoonist John Knott had on his successors, Ficklen and McClanahan. Information was gathered through interviews and the pages of the Dallas Morning News. Organization is as follows: introduction, biography and art of Knott, biography and art of Ficklen, biography and art of McClanahan, summary and conclusion. The study found minimal artistic influence by Knott on the cartoons of Ficklen and McClanahan. Compared to Knott, Ficklen and McClanahan had different art backgrounds, cartoon styles, personal and political beliefs. Knott's successors admired different artists, drew during a different editorial page emphasis and had more freedom in cartoon selection than Knott did. Neither Ficklen nor McClanahan listed Knott as an artistic influence.

The problem with, which this thesis is concerned is that of analyzing and comparing the fugal writing and contrapuntal style of J. S. Bach in the fugue expositions of The Well-Tempered Clavier and that of Paul Hindemith in the fugue expositions of the Ludus Tonalis. This comparison is made on the basis of a comprehensive analysis of the fugal expositions both collections of fugues mentioned ( The Well-Tempered by Bach and the Ludus Tonalis by Hindemith). Chapter I includes a discussion of the careers and compositional techniques of Bach and Hindemith. An emphasis is placed on a comparison of Bach's fugal writing with that of his immediate predecessors (composers of the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries who were writing in the fugal style) and on a comparison Of Hindemith's theory of tonality, as expressed in The Craft of Musical Composition, with that of the traditional harmonic concept of Bach's day. Chapter II deals with the evolution of the fugal concept. In this chapter, imitative forms of composition which gradually evolved toward the fugue are traced from their very early beginnings through the sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries. Emphasis is placed on the fugal form that Bach used and on Hindemith's neo-Baroque approach to fugal writing in the twentieth century. In Chapters III and IV, analyses are made of the expositions in the forty-eight fugues of Bach's Well-Tempered Clavier and Hindemith's Ludus Tonalis .There is a discussion of the number of voices, order of entries", order of statements of the theme, key relationships, and redundant entries. Also discussed In these chapters are the beginning and ending notes of the Subject, a change in tonality of the subject range and length of the subjects. There is, further, a discussion of the real and tonal answers and the reasons for the use of a tonal answer, recurring countersubject, invertible counterpoint, interludes, length of the exposition, and the cadences at the end of the fugue expositions. in Chapter V the fugal writing of Bach, as demonstrated in the fugue expositions of The Well-Tempered Clavier, and that of Hindemith, as demonstrated in the fugue expositions of the Ludus Tonalis, are compared. This comparison of these two styles of fugal writing shows the two composers' techniques and procedures to be very much alike except in Hindemith's expanded concept of tonality. Although Bach's set of fugues has set a standard for this type of writing, Hindemith has shown that this old form is still capable of being used with originality when adapted to twentieth-century practices.

This thesis uses two different musical analytical systems, one of Heinrich Schenker and one of Paul Hindemith, to analyze tonality within "Die Gurre Lieder" and "Fourth String Quartet" by Arnold Schoenberg.