Orientador: Armando Boito Junior / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T11:15:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dias_RodolfoPalazzo_M.pdf: 1670157 bytes, checksum: 39c2a7c251136fdb2c1e5cc5fa098a24 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Realizamos uma pesquisa acerca da organização e do posicionamento político dos banqueiros no Brasil no período do governo Lula. Para a análise do processo organizacional dos banqueiros, estudamos a FEBRABAN, entidade nacional representativa dessa camada de empresários. Utilizamos nesse estudo principalmente fontes documentais da entidade e bibliografia sobre o tema. Para a identificação do posicionamento dos banqueiros fizemos a análise da declaração destes na mídia impressa, especificamente na "Folha de São Paulo" e no "Valor Econômico". Percebemos que os banqueiros construíram desde a década de 1960 uma forma de representação nacional associativa, marcada pelo estatuto jurídico civil. Essa forma associativa permite uma socialização nacional entre os membros dessa classe. Já o posicionamento dos banqueiros se mostrou favorável à política governamental que estava sendo implementada, mas com alguns pontos de conflito em assuntos específicos. Ainda sobre o posicionamento, conseguimos identificar um constrangimento por parte deles em defender uma política de juros altos; outras pautas reivindicativas com maior aceitação pública eram mais enfatizadas pelos banqueiros do que esta / Abstract: Our research is about the organization and the political position of bankers in Brazil during Lula's government. For the analysis of the organizational process of bankers, we studied FEBRABAN, the national representative body of this layer of entrepreneurs. For this study we use documentary sources of the entity and the literature about the subject. To identify the position of the bankers, we analyze the declaration of print media, specifically in "Folha de São Paulo" and "Valor Econômico". We find that the bankers built, since the 1960s, a form of national associative representation, marked by civil legal status. This form allows associative socialization among national members of this class. The position of bankers was favorable about the government policy that was being implemented, but with some trouble spots on specific issues. Still on the positioning, we can identify a constraint about defending a policy of high interest rates; other agendas with greater public acceptance were most emphasized by bankers / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales) / No autorizada por el autor para ser publicada a texto completo / Sentencias emanadas de las Cortes de Apelaciones y de la Corte Suprema comprendidas en el libro de registro de sentencias (enero 2002, febrero 2002, marzo 2002, abril 2002, junio 2002, agosto 2002, enero 2003)

Orientador: Paulo José dos Reis Pereira / Banca: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser / Banca: Deisy de Freitas Lima Ventura / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: Entre março de 2003 e junho de 2004, os Estados Unidos da América, em conjunto com a Grã-Bretanha, ocuparam o Iraque e obtiveram o status de Autoridade Provisória emitido pelo Conselho de Segurança da Organização das Nações Unidas (CSONU) na Resolução 1483 para reconstruir o Estado iraquiano após a derrubada do Regime Baath. Pela primeira vez desde o final da segunda Guerra Mundial, uma potência ganhava status de força ocupante pela Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU), sem ser um mandato da ONU propriamente, como usualmente nas operações de paz (Peacekeeping operations) regidas pelo órgão internacional. A invasão do Iraque em 2003, contou com um consenso no pensamento político norteamericano no qual os EUA teriam a responsabilidade e o dever de derrubar o regime de Saddam Hussein, que supostamente cometia crimes contra humanidade, representava uma ameaça à segurança internacional. Em grande medida, a fórmula norte-americana para a invasão e ocupação do Iraque consistiu em justificar suas ações em termos de "razão humanitária" e legitimá-las por meio de mecanismos jurídicos. A execução do plano de ocupação do Iraque contou com um papel fundamental de membros da elite iraquiana da oposição ao Regime Baath em apoio a agenda das potências anglo-americanas. Entretanto, se esse inédito processo de statebuilding for analisado deixando de lado essas premissas humanitárias, ao contrário do que fazem as análises mainstream de política externa dos EUA, pode-se identificar possíveis benefícios político-econômicos consequentes a esse projeto de reconstrução do Iraque. A partir da análise dos documentos oficiais da Coalizão de Autoridade Provisória (CAP) e o questionamento às premissas liberais internacionalistas que pautaram a justificativa e posteriormente as críticas aos resultados da administração ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Between March 2003 and June 2004, the United States of America (US), together with Britain, occupied Iraq and obtained the status of Provisional Authority granted by the UN Security Council in Resolution 1483 to rebuild the Iraqi state after the overthrow of the Baath Regime. For the first time since the end of World War II, an international power gained occupying power status through United Nations (UN), without being a UN proper mandate, as usually in peacekeeping operations governed by the international body. The 2003 invasion of Iraq had a consensus in American political though that the United States would have the responsibility and duty to overthrow Saddam's regime, which allegedly committed crimes against humanity, posed a threat to international security. To a large extent, the American formula for the invasion and occupation of Iraq consisted in justifying its actions in terms of "humanitarian reason" and legitimizing them by means of legal mechanisms. Implementation of the Iraq occupation plan had a key role for members of the Iraqi opposition elite to the Baath Regime in support of the Anglo-American powers agenda. However, if this unprecedented statebuilding process is analyzed by leaving aside these humanitarian premises, unlike the mainstream US foreign policy analysis, one can identify possible political-economic benefits that result from this reconstruction project in Iraq. Based on the analysis of the official documents of the Provisional Authority Coalition (CPA) and questioning the internationalist liberal premises that guided the justification and later criticism of the results of CPA administration, we were able to identify possible political-economic benefits to the US and its corporations during The 14 months of occupation. Particularly in the energy, agriculture, security services and infrastructure ... - (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Sung, Kei Yan. / Thesis submitted in: December 2007. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 80-86). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter 1 --- General Background Information / Chapter ´ؤ --- Part I The American Context: Second Half of Twentieth Century --- p.5 / Chapter ´ؤ --- Part II Experimentalism --- p.9 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Biographical Contexts / Chapter ´ؤ --- Biography - A Transethnic Overview --- p.15 / Chapter ´ؤ --- Harrison and Contemporary Composers: Relationship and Influences --- p.28 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Composing Otherness / Chapter ´ؤ --- Part I Concerto in Slendro: An Anticipation of Asia --- p.38 / Chapter ´ؤ --- Part II Transethnicism in the Mature Period -- Varied Trio --- p.53 / Conclusion --- p.76 / Bibliography --- p.80

Thesis (B.A.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 173-205). Also available via the World Wide Web. http://www.pol.uiuc.edu/news/largio%5Fthesis.pdf

Orientador: Marcelo Passini Mariano / Banca: Luís Alexandre Fuccille / Banca: Samuel Alves Soares / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: Neste trabalho, analisamos a forma com que os temas da defesa foram tratados dentro da política externa dos governos de Lula da Silva e Rousseff (2003-2014). Por meio da análise da bibliografia especializada, de documentos oficiais do governo e de declarações oficiais, procuramos identificar de que maneira os dois governos pretendiam tratar do tema da defesa e de que maneira este tema se relacionaria com a política externa. Após a fase de avaliação do planejamento, procuramos a existência de resultados concretos e avaliar se houve, de fato, uma maior inclusão de temas da defesa na agenda de política externa. O trabalho parte do pressuposto de que, apesar do tema da defesa ser, por excelência, um tema de política externa, historicamente ele tem sido pouco tratado na agenda da política externa brasileira, situação esta que se agravou durante os governos da década de 1990. Contudo, a partir de 2003, o discurso governamental apontou para uma mudança neste padrão e, seguindo este indício, buscamos identificar de que maneira esta mudança foi apresentada no planejamento governamental e se houve desdobramentos na relação entre a defesa e política externa brasileira. / Abstract: In this dissertation we analyze the way the theme defense was treated inside the foreign policy during the administration of Lula da Silva and Rousseff (2003-2014). Through the analysis of specialized bibliography, official government documents and official statements, we search to identify the way the two governments intended to treat the theme of defense in a way that it would relate to foreign policy. After the analysis of the governmental planning, we look if there were indeed results of a bigger inclusion of defense in the foreign policy agenda. Assuming that even though defense is by excellence a theme of foreign policy, historically it has been very little dealt in the agenda of Brazilian foreign policy and the situation only got worse during the nineties administration. However, since 2003 the government speech has pointed to a change in this pattern and, following this indication, we aim to identify in which way this intention of transforming has been presented in governmental planning in addition to evaluating if it represented any alteration in the relation between defense and Brazilian foreign policy. / Mestre

Comment rendre compte du fait que le mental est efficace causalement, si les relations causales impliquent des relations nomologiques (lois), et que le monde mental est exempt d’une telle caractéristique? Dans un article intitulé «Mental Events», Donald Davidson tente de résoudre ce problème en soutenant l’idée que les occurrences d’événements mentaux sont identiques à des occurrences d’événements physiques. Toutefois, cette thèse de l’identité des occurrences, le Monisme Anomal, est problématique dans la mesure où si c’est en tant qu’événements physiques que les événement mentaux sont efficaces causalement, alors le mental en tant que mental n’a aucune efficacité causale : les événements mentaux ne sont que des épiphénomènes. Pour résoudre cette difficulté, Davidson soutient d’abord que ce n’est pas en tant que physiques ou mentaux que les événements sont des causes, mais en tant que particuliers, quoi qu’il en soit des propriétés qu’ils exemplifient. Il introduit aussi une version de la notion de survenance pour rendre compte du rapport entre les propriétés mentales et physiques, notion dont je me sers finalement pour formuler une deuxième réponse possible à l’objection épiphénoméniste.

Approved for public release, distribution unlimited / This thesis explores shifting perceptions within the U.S. government regarding Iraq's Shi'i majority, and their impact on the decision to remove Saddam, and on current U.S. endeavors in post-war Iraq. It explains how perceptions of Shi'is as a radical, monolithic, anti-American sect, were formulated during the late 1970s and 80s, as the U.S. government assumed a dominant role in the Middle East following Britain's withdrawal. During that time, Shi'is were viewed as a significant threat to U.S. regional interests, and for over 20 years U.S. policy had sought to contain them. These perceptions changed dramatically prior to Operation Iraqi Freedom, in a manner that seemed to support U.S. objectives for a post-Saddam Iraq. The Bush administration now believed that Iraq's Shi'is were unified, supportive of a long-term alliance with the U.S. government, and amenable to an imposed secular democracy that would be friendly with the West. In the aftermath of the war, such misperceptions are becoming increasingly obvious. This thesis will identify and correct these errors, and will explain how these shifts in viewpoint occurred. Furthermore, the importance of understanding Iraq's Shi'is will be underscored by positing that the Shi'i are an essential element to any viable, long term solution for post-war Iraq.

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This masters thesis analyses how Iraqi national identity is constructed before and after 2003. It explores what relation the national identity has to Sunni-Arab ethnicity. The study is qualitative and uses social constructivism as a methodological outline. Qualitative interviews are done with six Iraqi-Arab-Sunnis living in Sweden. Diaspora is not an analytical scope. The theoretical framework consists of Benedict Anderson’s theory about nations and nationalism where imagined communities is a key concept. Furthermore, Thomas Hylland Eriksen’s theory about ethnicity and nationalism where social identification is a central concept. Drawn conclusions are that Iraqi nationalism, partly constructed by Sunni hegemony, is the main identification and what the community is imagined from. Sunni ethnicity is mostly rejected, and a Sunni community barely exists. Unlike previous research which argues that Sunnis have redefined themselves through Sunni ethnicity. Iraqi nationalism is constructed against the anomaly which is other nations Iran and the US. It is also constructed by idealizing and remembering the past from a nationalistic perspective. It is constructed as kinship, as equal and with pride. However, the Sunni hegemony implies that Iraqi nationalism is not equal but privileges Sunni ethnicity. Sunni ethnicity is barely visible, but mostly post 2003 through victimhood. Sunni ethnicity was under communicated before 2003 but is over communicated after 2003, especially amongst national institutions. An exclusion of Sunni ethnicity occurs amongst national institutions post 2003.