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In the past three decades, the Chinese news media has experienced great leaps from a propaganda machine to market-oriented industry. Although the state has managed to strengthen the information control, heterogeneity in journalistic value orientations has constructed different media discourses. This thesis discusses the diversity within different news organizations in China, and the influence of state-media dynamics on the quality and role of journalism. Previous literature in the area of media-power relations fQ us on the general landscape of Chinese media shaped by the three forces: the state, the market and the professionalism while neglecting individual cases which contribute for the complexity of the intertwined mechanisms. Supported by the sociological theory of news production and concepts from international relations, this study uses a micro approach to examine the process of international news making in two newspapers. The arguments in this study are based on in-depth interviews with 25 journalists, participant observation, and textual analyses of news reports on Libya Crisis. This study has three major findings. Firstly, the intricate power relations of social forces within China's social context produces much space, as well as obstacles, for the professional practice of journalism. The liberal newspapers keep challenging the state and pushing the boundary of media autonomy while the party organs still serve for maintaining CCP's legitimacy but package the "old wine" in a new way. Secondly, the old Chinese ideology dominated by official communism has been broken up by the emergence of neo-conservatism, old and new-leftism, liberalism and other intellectual discourses which influence the government's decision-making on domestic and international issues. Accordingly, international news reports in newspapers with various interests are manifestations of the divides. Thirdly, the different value preference of newspapers decides the media behaviors. Some choose to speak for the party and help maintain existing social order, while some others serve for public interests. Although both of them practice self-censorship, the former enjoy commercial benefits from seeking refuge from the authority and the latter promote social development by using tactics in news reports. The discrepancy creates space for diversified discourses that added to the complexity of power structures in Chinese media.

In 2011 five days of rioting spread across many English towns and cities. David Cameron, then UK Prime Minister, described these events as ‘criminality, pure and simple’, inhibiting serious examination of what happened and justifying harsh punitive sentences for rioters. This thesis explains and counters the naïve individualism that underpins the discourse of ‘criminality’; but further argues that such discursive acts are representative of a broader problem within the social order that is causally implicated the violence in 2011. In contrast to the popular and sociological approach of analysing the singular ‘riot’, ‘riot actions’ are conceptualised as the foci of analysis, and in turn argued as acts of resistance generated by the organisation and practice of power within the social order. Thus riot actions are conceptualised and function as a symptom and entry point by which analysis can better get under the skin of the social order and understand its failing. Arguing for violent acts against the police as symptomatic of the social order’s failure, the thesis examines instances of these in the 2011 and 1980s riots. The thesis explores and compares the involvement of race, exclusion, social identity, and police during and across these periods. It further examines how neoliberal forms of exclusion have shaped the possibilities of riotous actions, before performing a situational analysis of video footage of the 2011 riots. To facilitate this approach the thesis develops a theory of action/resistance through an account of the production of agency. The theory connects Bourdieu’s theorisation of habitus and disposition, utilises an expressive understanding of shame and self-esteem, and Butler’s notion of performativity. Thus we seek to understand how structured experiences, in particular social and economic exclusion, become meaningful to those excluded, and how this shapes violent acts as meaningful performances. The thesis argues that resistance is generated through power relations, which amongst many rioters, are failing to reproduce the sense of self-worth required for identification with and engagement in, the social order. From this standpoint, then, riotous resistance cannot be explained as distinct from the social order, which shapes agency’s ‘necessary scene’, but as rational and emotional responses to it. The emergence of neoliberalism and individualism in the 1970s and 1980s created an epistemological and thus ontological shift, reshaping how disrespect and disempowerment is experienced and understood by excluded groups. These shifts or emergences have diminished the capacity of socially and economically excluded groups to generate Politicised identities and forms of resistance. Consequently, rather than ‘criminality’ - a moral condemnation - the 1980s and 2011, saw an increasing emergence of individualised - rather than Politicised - forms of resistance against the social and political order. Individualised resistance to power within the social order is ‘performed’ through short-term goals that momentarily re- arrange these power relations with regards to the self and police. In these behaviours, structurally produced shame and anger are expressed, social identities are formed and realised through a common complaint and goal, and the self achieves value through attacking or confounding the police.

Orientador: Samuel Alves Soares / Banca: Héctor Luis Saint Pierre / Banca: Rafael Antonio Duarte Villa / O programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituido em parceria com a UNESP/UNICAMP/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: Após os atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001, o governo dos Estados Unidos aprofundou o processo de securitização do chamado terrorismo fundamentalista nos marcos da "Guerra ao terror", identificando-o como uma ameaça existencial ao país. Iniciativas imediatas foram tomadas, após a edição do Patriot Act, que aumentaram o poder de ação repressiva do Estado e que possibilitaram intervenções militares no exterior, como no Afeganistão, ainda em 2001, e no Iraque, em 2003. Agir pela via da excepcionalidade possibilita aos Estados fornecer respostas rápidas para questões emergenciais no cenário internacional. A opção pela exceção, por ser uma escolha política, está envolta em uma séria de componentes ideacionais que contribuíram para a tomada de decisão. Considera-se, portanto, que no caso da segunda Guerra do Iraque o entendimento do processo de securitização só pode ser completo se levado em consideração tanto o desencadeamento político quanto a fundamentação ideacional que o conformou. A consideração desses fatores também é fundamental para averiguar as antinomias e fragilidades da teoria de securitização quando aplicada a este caso concreto / Abstract: After the attacks of September 11, 2001, the U.S. government intensified the process of securitization in response to the fundamentalist terrorism within the framework of the "war on terror", identifying it as an existential threat to the United States. Immediate initiatives were taken, after sanctioning the Patriot Act, which increased the power of repressive action and that allowed military interventions in Afghanistan, in 2001, and Iraq in 2003. Exceptionality acts enable states to provide quick responses to emergency issues on the international scene. The choice of exception, as a political choice, is marked by a series of ideational components that contributed to that decision. Therefore, in the case of the second Iraq War the understanding of the securitization process can only be complete if taken into consideration both the political process and the ideational foundations that conformed the securitizing movement. The consideration of these factors is also crucial to ascertain the antinomies and weaknesses of securitization theory when applied to this case / Mestre

The main topic of my thesis are audiovisual images of a new sort which spread across traditional media and internet video-sharing websites during the events of Arab revolutions in 2011. This amateur footage was made by direct participants of revolution events, not by professional journalist or documentarists. In my thesis I research these video-images in the context of imaging of political violence in the history with special focus on the history of war photography and journalism. My thesis investigates the role of new media and the internet in changes of the experience of watching audiovisual footage. Last part is an effort of classification of the amateur AV images of the Arab Spring and review of their significance in the context of contemporary documentary film and journalism.

Submitted by Reginaldo Soares de Freitas (reginaldo.freitas@ufv.br) on 2016-09-20T12:00:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 texto completo.pdf: 5946675 bytes, checksum: 154691462c7a87e14969a80f42f8a962 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-20T12:00:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 texto completo.pdf: 5946675 bytes, checksum: 154691462c7a87e14969a80f42f8a962 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-18 / Os sambaquis são construções pré-coloniais deixadas pelos sambaquieiros e que persistem até hoje, estruturas estas que se caracterizam por apresentar restos de conchas, restos de peixes e restos de pequenos animais, além de alguns apresentarem ainda artefatos da indústria lítica sambaquieira e sepultamentos humanos. Sambaquis são encontrados em toda faixa litorânea brasileira, desde o Pará até o Rio Grande do Sul, e têm suas datações em torno de 7.000 AP a 2.000 AP, persistindo, portanto por um período de 5.000 anos no litoral do Brasil. Os sambaquis se constituem como patrimônio arqueológico e são a única fonte de informações a respeito da cultura dos sambaquieiros, estando inclusive respaldados pela Lei Federal 3.924/61, que dispõe sobre os monumentos arqueológicos existentes no território brasileiro. Esta pesquisa teve o intuito de analisar a ocupação do entorno de áreas onde estão localizados três sambaquis no município de Guarapari – ES, avaliando a aplicação do plano diretor municipal e o cumprimento do mesmo em relação à proteção, tanto das áreas no entorno dos sambaquis, como dos próprios sambaquis. A utilização de imagens de satélite no mapeamento de uso e ocupação do solo ao longo do período de 1984 a 2011 permitiu verificar a situação de ameaça de degradação dos três sambaquis relatados nesta pesquisa, fornecendo dados importantes sobre como se dá a proteção dos sítios. É importante lembrar que esta pesquisa analisa três sambaquis que até então não eram de conhecimento do poder público, fator levado em consideração nas análises realizadas. / The sambaqui are precolonial buildings left by sambaquieiros and that persist until nowadays, these structures which are characterized for having shells remains, fish remains and small animals remains, in addition to some present artifacts of lithic sambaquieira industry and human burials. Sambaqui are found throughout the Brazilian coastline, from Pará to Rio Grande do Sul, and have your dating around 7000 BP to 2000 BP, persisting so, for a period of 5000 years in brazilian coast. The sambaquis are constituted as archaeological heritage and are the only source of information about the culture of sambaquieiros and is even supported by Federal Law 3.924/61, which provides for the existing archaeological monuments in Brazil. This research aimed to analyze the occupation of surrounding areas where they are located three sambaquis in Guarapari - ES, evaluating the implementation of municipal director plan and the fulfillment of the same in relation to the protection of both the areas around the sambaquis, as own sambaquis. The use of satellite imagery in mapping soil use and occupation over the period from 1984 to 2011 has shown that the situation of degradation threatens the three sambaquis reported in this research, providing important data on how is the protection of the archeological sites. It is important to remember that this research analyzes three sambaquis that so far were not aware of the government, factor taken into account in the analysis.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o impacto da criação do Cadastro Positivo na concessão de crédito aos consumidores no Brasil, a partir do ponto de vista teórico-legal e da análise comparativa entre países que já possuem este mecanismo de consulta consolidado e os que não o utilizam. Para tanto, apresentaram-se aspectos teóricos, legais e conceituais sobre os arquivos de consumo utilizados para a concessão de crédito no Brasil. Há, também, o estudo dos aspectos conceituais da Teoria da Informação Assimétrica aplicada ao mercado financeiro, tanto nos aspectos de Risco Moral, como de Seleção Adversa. A experiência internacional é estudada primeiramente através da análise dos países selecionados a partir do artigo de Japelli e Pagano (1999) e, posteriormente, por meio de um levantamento de artigos que realizam análises empíricas sobre bancos de dados para concessão de crédito. Por fim, faz-se uma análise da implantação do Cadastro Positivo no Brasil, por meio do estudo da jurisprudência de todos os casos tramitados no STJ, com a palavra-chave “cadastro positivo” até dezembro de 2016. Assim, foi possível verificar que o Cadastro Positivo é um instrumento benéfico para o mercado de crédito brasileiro. / This Master Thesis aims to analyze the impact of the institution of the Positive Credit Information database had in Brazilian credit market, from theoretical and legal points of view and through a comparative analysis of countries that have already had this mechanism and those which do not use. Therefore, theoretical, legal and conceptual aspects of consumer files used for the granting of credit in Brazil are presented. It comprehends, also, the study the conceptual aspects of Asymmetric Information Theory applied to the financial markets, both in the aspects of Moral Hazard, as well as Adverse Selection. International experience is primarily studied through the analysis of countries selected based in Japelli and Pagano’s article (1999) in the following and, later, through a survey of articles that carry out empirical analysis of credit bureaus. The last section comprises an analysis of the implementation of the Positive Credit database in Brazil, through the study of jurisprudence in all cases within the Brazilian’s “Superior Tribunal de Justiça”, using the keyword “Positive Information” until May 31, 2016. Thus, it was possible to verify that the Positive Credit is a beneficial tool for the Brazilian credit market.