This socio-legal thesis has explored the factors responsible for explaining whether and how redress mechanisms control bureaucratic decision-making. The research considered the three principal institutions of administrative justice: courts, tribunals, and ombudsman schemes. The field setting was the local authority education area and the thesis examined bureaucratic decision-making about admissions to school, home-to-school transport, and Special Educational Needs (SEN). The thesis adopted a qualitative approach, using interviews and documentary research, within a multiple embedded case study design. The intellectual foundations of the research were inter-disciplinary, cutting across law, socio-legal studies, public administration, organization studies, and social policy. The thesis drew on these scholarly fields to explore the nature of bureaucratic decision-making, the extent to which it can be controlled and the way that learning occurs in bureaucracies and, finally, the extent to which redress mechanisms might exercise control. The concept of control was studied across all its dimensions – in relation both to ex post control in specific cases and the more challenging notion of ex ante or structuring control. The aim of the thesis was not to measure the prevalence of bureaucratic control by redress mechanisms, but to understand the factors that might explain its presence or absence in a particular area. The findings of the research have allowed for a number of analytical refinements and extensions to be made to existing theoretical and empirical understandings. 14 factors, along with 87 supporting propositions, have been set out with the aim of making empirically derived suggestions which can be followed up in future research. In terms of the thesis’ contribution to existing knowledge, its comparative focus and its emphasis on the broad notion of control offered the potential for new insights to be developed. Overall, the thesis claims to have made three contributions to the conceptual framework for understanding the exercise of control by redress mechanisms: it emphasizes the importance of ‘feedback’ in relation to the nature of the cases referred to redress mechanisms; it calls attention to the structure of bureaucratic decision-making as well as its normative character; and it discusses how the operational modes of redress mechanisms relate to their control functions.

The Nigerian judicial system is currently in a state of distress. Not only has the judiciary been trailed by allegations of corruption, incompetence and god-fatherism amongst others, the wheels of justice in Nigeria are slowly grinding to a near halt. This is because of the large and growing case list of courts as well as the recurrent industrial strike actions embarked upon by court staff. As a solution to this crisis, stakeholders have put forward a number of suggestions, one of which is the use of alternative dispute resolution methods like domestic arbitration, as a solution to the problems of the judiciary and as a viable alternative to the court system. As we will however come to see in this thesis, Nigeria’s Arbitration and Conciliation Act 1988 (“Arbitration Act”), which is based on the UNCITRAL Model Law 1985, is not only outdated, it is also for many reasons not suitable and relevant to a developing country as Nigeria. For example, the existing Arbitration Act fails to take the legal and social idiosyncrasies of the Nigerian nation into consideration. Furthermore, the Act fails to incorporate the pre-existing and judicially recognized customary arbitration practice into the Act. In addition, the Nigerian Arbitration framework contains a number of anti-arbitration provisions, which have clearly inhibited the growth of domestic arbitration in Nigeria. Moreover, between 1988 and now, a number of beneficial changes have occurred within the sphere of arbitration and from which the Nigerian arbitration framework can draw lessons. All these among others, make the Nigerian Arbitration Act an unsuitable alternative to the court system in Nigeria. This thesis therefore recommends a bespoke domestic arbitration framework, which takes account of the legal and social idiosyncrasies of the Nigerian nation as well as recent but relevant domestic arbitration practices in similar jurisdictions as Nigeria. Among other recommendations, the proposed framework borrows a leaf from the deeply rooted and judicially recognised customary arbitration practice in Nigeria. Furthermore, in a bid to identify and incorporate relevant provisions and practices that have emerged within the sphere of domestic arbitration between 1988 and now, we undertake a comparative analysis of the Ghanaian Alternative Dispute Resolution Act 2010, the UNCITRAL Model Law 2006, the English Arbitration Act 1996 as well as the Uniform Act on Arbitration 1999 of OHADA. It is believed that this modern but tailored framework will encourage the use of domestic arbitration in Nigeria and by extension ameliorate the problems in the judicial system.

„Versorgungssicherheit“ ist eines der Hauptanliegen und daher immense Triebkraft der Energiepolitik. Ein vitales Interesse an einer verlässlichen Versorgungslage hat gerade im Hinblick auf Energie nicht nur jeder Einzelne, der diese Ware tagtäglich konsumiert. Auch für Politik und Wirtschaft hat diese, mit Blick auf den Industriestandort Deutschland, Priorität. Eine anerkannte juristische Definition von Versorgungssicherheit gibt es bislang indessen nicht. Es klafft eine Lücke zwischen praktischer Bedeutsamkeit und wissenschaftlicher Untersuchung. Die rechtsdogmatische Aufarbeitung ist allerdings denknotwendige Voraussetzung für jede weitere juristische Befassung mit dem Gegenstand der Versorgungssicherheit und ihm nahestehenden Rechtsfragen. Nicht erst seit der Debatte um die Energiewende ist der Begriff in aller Munde und wird beinahe inflationär verwandt. Eine nähere wissenschaftliche Befassung mit dem rechtlichen Bedeutungsgehalt dieser Begrifflichkeit erscheint daher dringend geboten, findet sie sich doch in diversen Regelwerken als Leitprinzip und Tatbestandsmerkmal. Zur Auseinandersetzung mit der Substanz der Versorgungssicherheit als Rechtsbegriff leistet die vorliegende Arbeit einen Beitrag. „Versorgungssicherheit“ wird als Rechtsbegriff subsumierbar gemacht. Zunächst geht die Arbeit auf Begriff und Gegenstand der Versorgungssicherheit ein. Es wird eine Abgrenzung nach außen, zu verwandten Termini und vermeintlichen Synonymen, vorgenommen. Darauf aufbauend wird der, der Versorgungssicherheit innewohnende, Bedeutungsgehalt und seine rechtlichen Konsequenzen untersucht. Es wird untersucht, ob und welche Rolle Versorgungssicherheit bei der Gesetzeserfüllung spielt. Insbesondere wird in diesem Zusammenhang beleuchtet, ob die behördliche Entscheidung durch ihren Deutungsinhalt determiniert ist. In materieller Hinsicht muss zu diesem Zweck der Versuch einer Definition unternommen werden. Versorgungssicherheit wird auf ihren kleinesten gemeinsamen Nenner gebracht werden. Die Frage, ob damit für die Rechtsanwendung ein Mehrwert gewonnen ist, der Begriff der Versorgungssicherheit als Zielvorgabe gar justiziabel ist, wird anschließend überprüft. Aufbauend auf der abstrakten Befassung mit dem Rechtsbegriff, wird schließlich analysiert, wie der Untersuchungsgegenstand sektorspezifisch im Energierecht zu verstehen ist. Lassen sich die Ergebnisse, die abstrakt für wahr befunden wurden, anhand eines Rechtsgebietes, welches von „Versorgungssicherheit“ ganz besonders (mit)bestimmt wird, verifizieren und möglicherweise ausdifferenzieren? Ein energierechtlicher Abgleich und die normtextliche Rückanknüpfung dient gewissermaßen als Lackmusprobe für die formulierten Thesen. Die Arbeit schließt mit einem Fazit und einem Ausblick auf die voraussichtliche Entwicklung des Untersuchungsgegenstandes. / "Security of supply" is one of the main concerns and therefore an immense driving force of energy policy. A vital interest in a reliable supply situation, especially with regard to energy, is not only a concern of every individual who consumes this commodity on a daily basis, but also a priority for politics and business with regard to Germany as an industrial location. However, there is no recognised legal definition of security of supply. There is a gap between practical significance and scientific investigation. However, a legal doctrinal analysis is a necessary prerequisite for any further legal examination of the subject of supply security and related legal issues. The term has been on everyone's lips not only since the debate on the German energy revolution (“Energiewende”) and is used almost inflationarily. A closer scientific study of the legal meaning of this term therefore appears to be urgently required, as it is found in various regulations as a guiding principle and constituent element. This paper contributes to the discussion of the substance of security of supply as a legal concept. "Security of supply" is made subsumable as a legal term. First of all, the paper deals with the concept and subject of security of supply. A demarcation to related terms and supposed synonyms is made. Based on this, the meaning of security of supply and its legal consequences are examined. It is examined whether and what role "security of supply" plays in the fulfilment of the law. In particular, it is examined whether official decisions are determined by its interpretative content. An attempt is made to provide a definition for this purpose. "Security of supply" is reduced to its lowest common denominator. The question of whether this has added value for the application of the law, and whether the concept of security of supply as an objective is even justifiable, will then be examined. Finally, based on an abstract examination of the legal concept, the paper analyses how the subject of the study is to be understood in a sector-specific way in energy law. Can the results, which were found to be true in the abstract, be verified and possibly differentiated on the basis of an area of law which is particularly (co-)determined by "security of supply"? A comparison of energy law and the norm textual linking back serves as a kind of litmus test for the formulated theses. The paper concludes with a conclusion and a forecast of the probable development of the object of investigation.

Relire les lois du service public, c’est (re)mettre en question le socle des trois principes — égalité, continuité, adaptation constante — solidement établis et largement connus, depuis environ un siècle, comme structurant le régime juridique spécifique de l’ensemble des services publics ; c’est interroger l’actualité de ces principes généraux dans un contexte profondément renouvelé et, à travers elle, la pérennité du service public lui-même, en tant qu’objet juridique. Afin de dresser pareil bilan de santé, deux niveaux de relecture sont retenus. Il s’agit, en premier lieu, de revenir sur l’ensemble théorique que constituent aujourd’hui les lois d’égalité, de continuité et d’adaptation constante : ces dernières, devenues subsidiaires par rapport aux impératifs économique et gestionnaire, ne semblent plus être des données de premier ordre dans le système de pensée juridique des services publics ; elles continuent toutefois d’assurer l’unité de la notion de service public, notion réduite à la portion congrue. Il s’agit, en deuxième lieu, de reconsidérer chacune des lois séparément, dans son contenu : la signification respective des trois principes classiques a évolué et de « nouveaux principes » sont recherchés, ceux-ci n’étant pour l’essentiel que des déclinaisons plus ou moins nouvelles de ceux-là ; une tendance à leur subjectivisation est observable sans devoir être exagérée, les lois du service public continuant d’exprimer l’esprit objectiviste du service public. / Reviewing the laws of public service means questioning the foundation of the three principles — equality, continuity, mutability — that have been firmly rooted and widely known, for about a century, as structuring the specific legal regime of all public services. It also means questioning the developments of these general principles in a profoundly renewed context and, through it, the durability of the public service itself, as a legal object. To do so, two review levels are employed. On the one hand, we have to go back over the theoretical set of the laws of equality, continuity and mutability, which have become subsidiary to economic and managerial imperatives and as such no longer seem to be the most important considerations in the legal thought system of public services. However, they continue to ensure the unity of the notion of public service, a notion reduced to its bare bones. On the other hand, we have to reconsider each of the laws separately, in their content. The respective meanings of the three principles have changed and « new principles » are being sought, these being essentially newer variations of those. A tendency to give more consideration to the individuals involved when applying the laws can be observed but must not be exaggerated, as the laws of public service are continuing to express the objectivist spirit of the public service.

El presente trabajo tiene por objeto analizar la iniciativa legislativa que las Comunidades Autónomas pueden ejercer, en virtud del art. 87.2 de la Constitución española, tanto ante el Congreso de los Diputados como ante el Gobierno de la Nación, que ha supuesto una importante novedad en nuestra ya larga trayectoria constitucional. La atención científica a esta novedad no se corresponde, sin embargo, con su interés. El examen de la bibliografía existente muestra que los trabajos sobre la potestad de iniciativa legislativa se han ocupado preferentemente de cuestiones relacionadas con la facultad de iniciativa en su condición general o en su ejercicio por el Gobierno o por los diputados y senadores como supuestos más comunes. Incluso sobre la iniciativa legislativa popular no falta literatura que la analice. La necesidad de abordar el estudio de esta facultad autonómica de iniciar leyes estatales desde una perspectiva integral que trate de abarcar toda las cuestiones relevantes desde una visión crítica, ofrecer ciertas soluciones a los principales problemas que plantea y proponer, donde es posible, modificaciones o modelos reguladores de lege ferenda, en consecuencia, es el cometido principal de este trabajo. La primera parte del trabajo analiza la justificación de la iniciativa legislativa regional dentro del marco general constitucional, sus antecedentes y los principales hitos de la configuración del art. 87.2 CE durante el debate constituyente, así como su presencia algo dispar en otros Estados compuestos. La segunda parte aborda el estudio de la titularidad de las Asambleas autonómicas -planteando interesantes cuestiones como la posible convergencia entre las Asambleas legitimadas a la hora de presentar sus iniciativas ante el Congreso- la extensión o no de su ámbito material a cuestiones de interés general amén de a aquellas otras que afectan tan sólo a asuntos de la propia autonomía y la naturaleza jurídica de cada una de las vías acogidas por el art. 87.2 CE, de especial interés aunque sólo sea por el hecho de que nuestra particular visión sobre tal cuestión no coincide con la que mantiene la doctrina mayoritaria. Pero es el momento procedimental del ejercicio de esta facultad el que plantea más cuestiones desde el punto de vista teórico y práctico, y a su estudio se dedica la última parte del trabajo. En ella se atiende, en primer lugar, al procedimiento de ejercicio ante el Congreso, analizando los muchos problemas que plantea tanto la tramitación que se lleva a cabo en el seno de los Parlamentos regionales en orden a la actuación de tal iniciativa como la tramitación en las Cortes Generales de la proposición de ley remitida por la Asamblea autonómica; y, en segundo término, al ejercicio que se hace efectivo ante el Gobierno de la Nación, lo que abre todo un panel de cuestiones a tratar, algunas más sustantivas, como el conocer el por qué y las ventajas de estimular la puesta en marcha de la ley ante un órgano que no es un legislador, y otras estrictamente procedimentales, principalmente referidas a la tramitación que han de seguir en el seno del Gobierno las solicitudes de proyectos de ley aprobadas por los parlamentos regionales. De especial interés resulta, a este respecto, analizar las consecuencias de la incomprensible ausencia de un mínimo procedimiento que prolongue la actuación de la iniciativa autonómica con algún tipo de actuación necesaria a cargo del Gobierno de la Nación, lo cual viene a reducir la facultad que nos ocupa a un “vacío” ayuno de toda entidad jurídica, razón por la cual nos permitimos proponer algunas medidas de lege ferenda con el fin de reintegrar este instituto a su verdadero sentido y a su más cierta eficacia. / This study analyzes legislative initiatives statutorily provided for under article 87.2 of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Spain which its self-governing regional Autonomous Communities can bring before the Chamber of Deputies of the Spanish Parliament or the national Government, but which have received insufficient attention despite being a significant constitutional innovation. Inspection of published sources shows that experts commonly have limited themselves to such general matters as those flowing from the granting of authority to initiate legislation, or their effects at the levels of the nation’s government, deputies, and senators, whilst paying less attention to forensic examination of the authority that enables initiation of legislation at regional level. By way of complementing abundant commentaries generated by the aforementioned statutory provision this study considers it from a standpoint that attempts to integrate critical attention to pertinent matters with some proposals for resolving problems to which it has given rise, as well as with some possible modifications or regulatory models de lege ferenda. The study begins by analyzing the justification for the legislative initiative in terms of the broad framework of constitutional law, its antecedents, the main landmarks of article 87.2 that were acknowledged in the debate underlying it, and of some considerations of variants in other nation states with devolved regional powers. The study continues by analyzing the rights of Spain’s regional self-governing assemblies (raising interesting aspects, such as possible convergence between them when their intiatives are put before the national Parliament), the possibility of extension to substantive matters of wider general interest beyond those of their respective regions, and, most especially, the jurisprudential characteristics of each and every route chosen under the provisions of article 87.2, where considerations offered here imply a possibly alternative opinion to the received widsom. The study ends by reflecting on several practical and theoretical questions that arise from the exercise of procedure drawing on the provision afforded under article 87.2. The complex procedure of putting a proposal for new legislation before the Spanish Parliament is without doubt the most difficult second step, following on from that in a regional assembly (or assemblies) which already will have involved drawn-out attempts to get to grips with many intricate problems. Once at the national level, a proposal may open a Pandora’s box of problems, some substantive in nature, such as whether there might be advantages or disadvantages in bringing forward a new law suggested by a body lacking legislative powers, and others of a procedural nature, related mainly to formulating at governmental level requests for legislation that have received approval from regional assemblies. In that regard, it is worth drawing attention to an incomprehensible lack of even the most minimal procedure that might enhance the capacity of regional assemblies to pursue their initiatives in concert with the national government, which has the result of reducing to a legal vacuum their ability to take fullest advantage of the statutory provision of article 87.2, for which reason it is proposed here that further measures de lege ferenda are desirable in order that those institutions might better fulfil their purposes in an efficient manner.

Este trabajo de investigación ha tenido como guía los siguientes objetivos: en primer lugar se ha intentado demostrar que solamente en los Estados democráticos se puede hablar de la desobediencia civil como forma principal de disidencia. También se ha pretendido indagar sobre el origen y la idea de ciudadano, como sujeto de derechos, en las teorías políticas de la modernidad. Se ha procurado analizar el concepto de desobediencia civil en las principales teorías de autores actuales como Rawls, Habermas y Dworkin. Y así, partiendo de estas, tratar sobre la justificación de la desobediencia civil en el ámbito moral, jurídico y político. Finalmente el estudio de los casos prácticos, sin pretensiones de exhaustividad, se ha abordado con la intención de aclarar algunos errores sobre el fenómeno de la desobediencia civil y mostrar la diversidad de la acción, insertada en un contexto histórico determinado. La metodología empleada para un primer acercamiento al tema de la desobediencia civil se ha basado en la lectura de textos originales de los autores: libros, artículos, entrevistas etc. Con esto se ha pretendido obtener una primera opinión libre de prejuicios. Una vez anotadas las reflexiones sobre estas lecturas, se ha pasado a ampliar ideas a partir de textos relacionados con la temática en otros autores, intentando analizar, tanto aquellos que pudieran apoyar los objetivos propuestos, como otros que defienden opiniones contrarias. Debemos señalar que la gran mayoría de los textos consultados, aun no habiendo sido citados, han sido de gran utilidad para obtener una visión más amplia sobre el tema y que, en ocasiones, han servido para modificar la primera opinión que se tenía sobre el mismo, encauzando el curso de la investigación. Son varias las conclusiones a las que hemos llegado; la primera, basándonos tanto en las teoría como en la práctica, sería que la desobediencia civil es una forma de protesta propia de los Estados democráticos ya que los presupuestos que definen la propia acción coinciden con los de dichos Estados. La segunda es que, solamente cuando los hombres se consideran parte del sistema de poder, se encuentran en situación de actuar para conseguir un presente mejor. La tercera incide sobre la dificultad e inconveniencia de justificar la desobediencia en el ámbito jurídico, en tanto que, en el moral y el político son frecuentes los argumentos a favor de tal justificación. La cuarta y última pasa por aceptar que la sinergia entre las teorías sobre la desobediencia civil y la práctica de la misma enriquecen a ambos ámbitos, a la vez que generan nuevas formas de acción política. / This research has been firstly aimed at proving that only in democratic states civil disobedience can be considered as the main form of dissidence. Furthermore, we have tried to investigate about the origin and the idea of the citizen, as subject of rights, through modern political theories. The concept of civil disobedience has been analyzed within the main theories by current authors such as Rawls, Habermas and Dworkin. Thus, from these premises, we will deal with the justification of civil disobedience in the moral, legal and political field. Finally, the study of practical cases, without claiming completeness, has been raised aiming at clarifying some mistakes about the phenomenon of civil disobedience, and at showing the diversity of actions inserted in a certain historical context. The methodology used for a first introduction to the topic of civil disobedience has been based on the reading of original sources: books, articles, interviews. In doing so, our attempt has been to elicit an initial opinion free of prejudices. Once notes of the reflections about these readings have been taken, we have broadened the ideas from other authors’ texts also related to the topic by means of analyzing not only those who could support the established targets but also others who defend views to the contrary. It must be pointed out that most of the texts consulted, not having yet been quoted, have been very valuable for the achievement of a wider vision about the topic and, occasionally, have been used to alter the initial opinion about it, guiding the research . We have reached several conclusions. Firstly, based on both theory and practice, civil disobedience is a form of protest found in democratic States since the presuppositions that define the action itself coincide with the ones in the States previously mentioned. Secondly, only when men consider themselves as part of the power system, they are able to act so that they can achieve a better present situation. Thirdly, the difficulty and inconvenience of justifying disobedience in legal fields, bearing in mind that arguments in favour of such a justification are frequently found. Fourthly, it is accepted that the synergy between the theories on civil disobedience and the practice of it enrich both fields, and at the same time new forms of political action are created.

Sunset clauses are a commonly used statutory provision related to the temporary duration of various laws. Such clauses are scattered throughout the statute books. This thesis aims to shed light on the constitutional value of such clauses, in order to value them from the perspective of the separation of powers and the rule of law. We have an extant amount of literature on sunset clauses, especially regarding their utility in the United States. In the United Kingdom, we have a limited analysis with respect to specific fields, including emergency legislation. However, we lack a comprehensive analysis with regard to their constitutional value. This thesis’s analysis is conducted in three parts, separated into the historical, the positive, and the normative. All three parts of this thesis are interdependent, and the analysis of each subsequent part builds on the conclusion of its antecedent. The first part investigates the historical development of sunset clauses since the first Parliament in England. The positive analysis examines the contemporary utility of sunset clauses. Finally, the normative evaluation examines their interaction with several models of separation of powers as it values their impact on the rule of law. Depending on the separation of power model, such clauses play a role in the system of checks and balances. On the one hand, they impact the institutional relationship between the executive and legislative branches. On the other hand, they influence the interaction between the legislature and the courts. Although I acknowledge that their legislative use in limiting human rights diminishes the rule of law, they might have the exact opposite effect: on several occasions in the past, they were used to advance the rule of law, including the adoption of innovative legislation and the annulment of the death penalty. Indeed, this thesis attests to the constitutional value of sunset clauses.

Pas de résumé / No abstract

La justice constitutionnelle ivoirienne, dans sa forme actuelle, est le fruit du mouvement de démocratisation enclenché sur le continent à partir des années 1990.Mais si ailleurs l'exercice du contrôle de constitutionnalité s'est tout de suite imposé comme un instrument incontournable dans l'effectivité de la Constitution et l'avènement d'un Etat de droit, en Côte d'Ivoire, la garantie de la suprématie de la Constitution a évolué en permanence à un rythme oscillatoire. Le contrôle de constitutionnalité s’exprime d’abord à travers une stratégie des petits pas. Le choix par le juge constitutionnel d’une interprétation restreinte de ses attributions produit une jurisprudence peu audacieuse et orientée vers la légitimation du pouvoir exécutif et de sa gouvernance. Par la suite, à l’avènement de la deuxième République à partir de l'an 2000, la juridiction constitutionnelle se montre relativement plus active. Mais malgré l’extension du droit de saisine aux citoyens par le biais de la question préjudicielle la justice constitutionnelle reste peu sensible à la protection des Droits et libertés fondamentales. Son dynamisme se manifeste surtout lorsque la Constitution se trouve confrontée aux Accords politiques, mobilisés pour la résolution de la crise militaro- politique. L’office du juge constitutionnel se révèle alors comme la défense de l’ordre constitutionnel en péril ou du régime l’incarnant. Ici transparaît encore la forte irradiation du pouvoir exécutif dans un système politique déséquilibré faisant converger, comme des rivières au fleuve, l’ensemble des institutions dans le sens de la majesté du Pontife constitutionnel. De surcroît, la prépondérance du contentieux électoral et les crises qu’il suscite, annihile, quasi-systématiquement, les progrès jurisprudentiels résiduels qui peuvent accorder de la crédibilité à la justice constitutionnelle. Dans ce contexte, la garantie de la suprématie de la Constitution demeure encore à un stade embryonnaire, marqué du sceau de la précarité que lui impose des pratiques constitutionnelles perverties et l’instabilité politique chronique. / Ivorian constitutional justice, in its current form, is the fruit of the democratization movement launched on the continent from the 1990s. But if elsewhere the exercise of constitutional review immediately became an essential instrument in the effectiveness of the Constitution and the advent of the rule of law, in Côte d'Ivoire, the guarantee of the the Constitution’s supremacy has evolved continuously at an oscillatory rhythm. The constitutionality check is first expressed through a strategy of small steps. The constitutional judge's choice of a narrow interpretation of his attributions produces a daring case law geared towards legitimizing the executive power and its governance. Subsequently, with the advent of the second Republic from the year 2000, the constitutional jurisdiction is relatively more active. But despite the extension of the right of referral to citizens through the preliminary question, constitutional justice remains insensitive to the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms. Its dynamism manifests itself especially when the Constitution is confronted to the Political Agreements, mobilized for the resolution of the military political crisis. The office of the constitutional judge is then revealed as the defense of the constitutional order in danger or the regime embodying it. Here again there is the strong irradiation of the executive power in an unbalanced political system converging, like rivers in the river, all the institutions in the sense of the majesty of the constitutional Pontiff. Moreover, the preponderance of electoral disputes and the crises it provokes, annihilates, almost systematically, the progress of the case law that can give credibility to constitutional justice. In this context, the guarantee of the supremacy of the Constitution remains at an embryonic stage, marked by the seal of precariousness imposed by perverted constitutional practices and chronic political instability.

En tant qu'accroissement de la valeur d'une chose, la plus-value est une richesse nouvelle particulièrement convoitée lorsque sa production résulte du non­propriétaire de la chose. Résoudre le conflit entre le propriétaire de la chose et l'auteur de la plus-value suppose de la situer par rapport à la chose pour pouvoir définir sa maîtrise. L'étude répond à cette problématique en menant d'abord une analyse de la présence de la plus-value. La plus-value semble dans une situation ambivalente puisqu'elle apparaît attachée à la chose tout en lui étant distincte. Cette situation ambivalente de la plus-value devait être prise en compte pour la définir à partir d'une analyse civile et fiscale. La naissance d’une plus-value a également été examinée en procédant à une relecture systématique des facteurs qui la produisent. Sur cette base, l'ouvrage propose ensuite de déterminer les modalités de maîtrise de la plus-value. La dépendance de la plus-value envers la chose implique de l'appréhender par la médiation de la chose. Cette forme de maîtrise d'une plus-value n'est pas sans générer des difficultés puisqu'elle nécessite de saisir la chose. Sans autre examen, on aperçoit immédiatement que cette solution est susceptible d'enrichir le propriétaire du bien dont la chose bénéficie d'une plus-value produite par un tiers. Cette difficulté a été dépassée à partir d'une étude du rapport entre la plus-value et la monnaie, pour ensuite envisager l'existence d'une indemnité de plus-value au profit de son auteur. / The capital gain is a new form of wealth, especially coveted when the production results from someone other than the owner of the object itself. To salve the conflict between the owner of the object and the originator of the capital gain one has to situate that capital gain in law to define its control. The study answers to this issue by firstly analyzing the presence of the capital gain. The capital gain has been identified as a distinct entity from the object, to which it is however attached. This ambivalent situation of the capital gain has to be considered when defining its consistence based on a civil and fiscal analysis. The origin of a capital gain has also been examined in proceeding with a systematic re-reading of its repository and the factors who produce it. Based on this, the following work proposes to determine the control of the capital gain. To understand the dependence of the capital gain towards the abject, you have to look at it through the mediation of the object. This form of contract of capital gain doesn't come without difficulties, since you have to grasp the object. Without other examination, we can immediately see that this solution might enrich the owner of the property, of which the abject benefits from a capital gain, produced by a third party. This difficulty was surpassed based on a study on the connection between the capital gain and monetary units. By considering the capital gain in the quantity of monetary units corresponding, it was proposed to control the capital gain in a monetary form. This particular way of control opens stimulating perspectives since it has then been indemnity of capital gain in favor of its originator.