La creación de las Comunidades europeas se realizó mediante un Tratado internacional negociado y aprobado por los representantes de los Estados miembros y sucesivamente modificado siguiendo los procedimientos por ellos establecidos. Así, desde la perspectiva del instrumento elegido para crear esta organización, la convergencia de las Comunidades europeas con las organizaciones internacionales "clásicas" es absoluta. Una aproximación a la naturaleza jurídica de la UE, a sus características, funciones, estructura, a las relaciones existentes entre el orden jurídico comunitario y los órdenes jurídicos de los Estados miembros... permite apreciar claramente que el proceso de integración europea va más allá de los objetivos que caracterizan una organización internacional "clásica".Tras algo más de 50 años de constitucionalización informal del orden jurídico comunitario, en nuestros días esta organización se enfrenta a los retos políticos y jurídicos que genera la constitucionalización del orden jurídico comunitario. En este sentido, la "Convención sobre el futuro de Europa" ha aceptado este reto. No es la primera vez que una transformación de este tipo se intenta, ahora bien, en estos momentos -próximos a una nueva ampliación-, la transformación resulta absolutamente indispensable. La conclusión final de mi investigación es la siguiente: hasta ahora en el orden comunitario se ha producido una "constitucionalización" de facto, por la vía de la modificación de los Tratados. Pero, tras el Tratado de Maastricht de 1992, el proceso de profundización de la UE, que actualmente no sólo incluye las libertades fundamentales sino también políticas tan relevantes como la moneda común, la política exterior o la inmigración y el asilo, etc., debería acompañarse de una "constitucionalización" formal que permita un cambio constitucional profundo. Hasta ahora, la mutación constitucional de la UE no ha podido desarrollarse globalmente teniendo en cuenta todos sus contenidos y consecuencias, en una palabra, coherentemente. Esta circunstancia ha provocado aún un mayor déficit democrático y una menor transparencia del sistema. En este marco, la alternativa propuesta por nuestra investigación es clara: el mejor medio de afrontar una real y coherente transformación constitucional de la UE es utilizando el adecuado instrumento legal para conseguirlo: una real y formal Constitución. / The European Communities were created by international Treaties negotiated and approved by the representatives of each Member State and successively modified following procedures established in their own Treaties. Therefore, from the perspective of the legal instrument chosen to create this organisation, the convergence of the European Communities with the "classical" international organisations is absolute. An approach to the legal nature of the European Union, its characteristic notes, their functions, structure, the relations between the EC legal order and the legal orders of the Member States... allows to appreciate clearly that the process of European Integration goes beyond the objectives that characterise a "classical" international organisation. After more than 50 years of informal constitutionalisation of the EU legal order, nowadays this organisation has to be confront with the political and juridical challenges that generate a formal constitutionalisation of the EU structure. So, the "Convention on the future of Europe" has accepted the challenge to change the EU institutional structure. It is not the first time that such a transformation is trying by the European Union, but at present -near a new enlargement to the East and Central Europe-, the transformation become absolutely indispensable. The final conclusion of my dissertation is that: up to now the EU system has proceed with a factual "constitutionalisation" of its legal order using the traditional way of amending treaties. But clearly after Maastricht Treaty (1992), the process of deepening of the European Union that nowadays include not only the fundamental liberties but also policies as relevant as the common currency, the foreign policy or the immigration, visa and asylum etc. should have a formal "constitutionalisation" that permit a deeply constitutional change. Up to now, the practical constitutional mutation of the EU couldn't be done as a whole taking care of all its contents and consequences, coherently in a word. That provokes still more democratic deficit and less transparency in the system. In this framework, the alternative for this Ph.D. thesis is clear, the best way to confront a real and coherent constitutional transformation of the EU is using the adequate legal instrument to do it: a real, a formal Constitution.

Las políticas de defensa han sido el aspecto menos estudiado de las transiciones a la democracia. Mientras que las relaciones cívico-militares ocuparon un lugar central en la teoría democrática, entendido como un elemento definitorio en el pasaje de gobiernos autoritarios a gobiernos electos, la defensa tuvo un papel marginal. Este deficiente desarrollo de las cuestiones de defensa se justifica, al menos, en tres supuestos. Primero, que a nivel global, los estudios de defensa están aún en una situación de precario desarrollo, comparándola con la evolución general de las relaciones internacionales y de la ciencia política. Segundo, el cuerpo teórico de los estudios de defensa, como subdisciplina de las relaciones internacionales, ha sido estudiado por la academia de los países desarrollados, y más especialmente, por las escuelas anglosajonas. En consecuencia, como instrumental analítico, no se ajusta correctamente a las circunstancias que atraviesan los países latinoamericanos, que no cuentan con una diversificación militar y con una agenda global análoga a la de las potencias occidentales en OTAN. Tercero, a diferencia de lo que sucedió con los autoritarismos de Europa, los incentivos en América Latina para establecer el control político de los militares y diseñar políticas de defensa democrática, han sido muy escasos. Mientras que España, Grecia y Portugal tuvieron que adaptarse a los condicionamientos externos fijados por la Unión Europea y la OTAN, en el caso de las naciones latinoamericanas, con un papel marginal en los asuntos de seguridad global, no existieron incentivos externos y a nivel doméstico, por el contrario, se presentaban altos costos por realizar estas reformas. Teniendo en cuenta este marco conceptual, en esta tesis se mostrará esa evolución limitada y condicionada de las políticas de defensa, utilizando el caso de Argentina a partir de la transición a la democracia, o sea desde 1983 hasta el año 2007. El período posterior coincide con la gestión de la actual presidente, Cristina Fernández. En el caso seleccionado se analiza como cada uno de los gobiernos democráticos eludió completar la reforma de las políticas de defensa. Los costos políticos que implicaban asumir la conducción de la defensa, por una parte, y la inestabilidad política remanente que daba pie a pensar en una eventual utilización de las fuerzas armadas como instrumento para restablecer el orden, por otra parte, han sido los ejes centrales de esa renuncia a completar el ciclo democrático. Esta tesis comienza con un planteo acerca de las limitaciones teóricas del tema. Así, se cubre la cuestión militar en Argentina, comenzando por un recorrido histórico y continuando con las estrategias de las fuerzas armadas ante cada uno de los gobiernos electos post 1983. La combinación de diversos factores debilitó el procedimiento de toma de decisión en las cuestiones de defensa. El ministerio de Defensa nunca logró superar el personalismo con el cual los presidentes resolvían los temas militares. En consecuencia, nunca se logró el fortalecimiento institucional y la transparencia administrativa. La ineficiencia para crear una política de defensa democrática, ha asediado la total consolidación de la democracia, admitiendo espacios de conflicto entre gobierno y fuerzas armadas. A pesar de que Argentina consiguió una relativa paz y estabilidad en los últimos 30 años, y logró conformar una relación próspera con los países vecinos, la incompleta democratización de la defensa ha significado que Argentina no sea un real productor de seguridad sino más bien un consumidor de seguridad. La conclusión de esta tesis es que muchas de las democracias de la región que han surgido en las pasadas tres décadas han confrontado dificultades de gobernanza en el área de la defensa, erosionando su propia legitimidad y la estabilidad de la región. / In the study of transitions to democracy, little attention has been paid to defense policies. While civil-military relations are in the spotlight of democratic theory and are understood as a definitive element in the passage from authoritarian to elected governments, defense usually plays a marginal role. This deficient analysis of defense issues is justified by at least three assumptions. First, studies of defense are still underdeveloped on a global scale, compared to other topics within political science and International Relations. Secondly, the theoretical framework of Defense Studies, as a subdiscipline of International Relations, has been developed largely within the Anglo-American academy. Consequently, as an analytical tool, it is not adequate to explain the transitions that Latin American countries are going through; that is, countries that do not count on military diversification or have a global agenda similar to that of the leaders of NATO, for instance. In the third place, unlike the unraveling of authoritarianisms in Europe, Latin America lacked incentives to establish political control over the military and design democratic defense policies. While Spain, Portugal and Greece had to adapt to the external conditions imposed by the European Union and NATO, Latin American nations, which play a marginal role in global security structures, did not have those external stimuli. Moreover, at the domestic level, the necessary reforms demanded a very high political cost. Taking into account this theoretical background, this thesis explores the limited and conditioned evolution of defense policies, focusing on the case of Argentina since the transition to democracy in 1983 through 2007 (the latter date coincides with the advent of the current administration of Cristina Fernández). The analysis focuses on the way in which each one of the democratic governments since 1983 avoided the completion of reforms of defense policies. The political costs implied in assuming the conduct of defense on the one hand, and political instability, which even since the restoration of democracy posited the possibility that the armed forces might eventually be needed to reestablish order, on the other hand, have been the main reasons for the failure to carry the democratic cycle into the realm of defense. This thesis begins with an outline of the theoretical limitations of the subject. It then covers the military question in Argentina, starting with an historical overview and continuing with government and Armed Forces strategies faced by each one of the elected governments since 1983. A combination of factors resulted in the weakening of the decision-making process on defense matters. The Ministry of Defense could never overcome the partiality with which presidents tackled military issues. As a consequence, institutional strengthening and administrative transparency were never achieved in the field of defense. The inability to create a democratic defense policy, as well as lingering military autonomy, have undermined a robust consolidation of democracy, leaving spaces of conflict between the government and the Armed Forces. Although Argentina has enjoyed peace and relative stability for 30 years of democratic rule, and in the process has built prosperous relations with its neighbors, the incomplete democratization of defense policy has meant that Argentina is not a source of security but rather a consumer of security. The conclusion of the thesis argues that many of the democracies that have come into being in the past three decades confront difficulties of governance in the area of defense that are eroding their legitimacy and undermining stability in the region.

La presente tesis consta de cinco capítulos distribuidos en apartados y subapartados, en ella se destacan los temas relativos a la protección de los derechos humanos en el marco del sistema interamericano, haciendo énfasis en los órganos de protección emanados de la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos, la Comisión y la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, cuyas sentencias o fallos son vinculantes para los Estados y siendo El Salvador Estado parte en la competencia contenciosa sus decisiones deben ser cumplidas y ejecutadas. El inicio del proceso de construcción del sistema interamericano, podemos fijarlo en la Sexta Conferencia de la OEA, en la Habana en 1928, no obstante existen antecedentes desde las Conferencias Americanas de 1889-1936. Luego, en 1945 los veintiún Estados fundadores del sistema interamericano, junto a otros treinta Estados fundaron la Organización de las Naciones Unidas, entre estos El Salvador. El sistema arranca desde 1948 con la Carta de la OEA y la Declaración Americana de Derechos y Deberes del Hombre. Se desarrolla antecedentes históricos del sistema interamericano, el procedimiento ante la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos que data desde 1969 y sus decisiones. Se conecta directamente con aspectos sustantivos y procesales, como las sentencias de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, su procedimiento, el cumplimiento de sentencias conforme a los tratados internacionales y la Convención de Viena sobre el Derecho de los Tratados de 1969, en vigencia desde 1980. Hace un repaso con el derecho comparado, las sentencias contra otros Estados del hemisferio y con el sistema europeo de protección de derechos humanos, siendo su tribunal regional la Corte Europea de Derechos Humanos, hasta alcanzar un análisis de la Corte Penal Internacional, CPI, del Estatuto de Roma y el Principio de Jurisdicción Universal aplicable en la mayoría de Estados democráticos. El estudio tomó en cuenta las medidas cautelares de la Comisión, solución amistosa y otros poderes conferidos a este órgano. De igual manera, las sentencias de fondo y reparación, medidas provisionales; así como, la institución del “Amicus Curiae”, las opiniones consultivas, en esencia son parte integrante de todo el conjunto de competencias jurisdiccional y consultiva de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, siendo esta última, un verdadero tribunal judicial regional en materia especializada en derechos humanos, como órgano especializado y autónomo de la OEA. En la investigación se destacan la incorporación de las decisiones interamericanas, así como las opiniones consultivas en el derecho interno en El Salvador. La comparación de los fallos de la Corte Europea de Derechos Humanos con las sentencias de la Corte Interamericana, el cumplimiento y ejecución de las decisiones de ambos órganos son parte importante en el análisis. Finalmente, las sentencias de la Corte Interamericana y los efectos de sus sentencias, con especial referencia a El Salvador, tomando como base cuatro sentencias contra el Estado salvadoreño. Propuestas de lege ferenda para la recepción de las sentencias y sus conclusiones de manera complementaria forman el cierre de la presente investigación. / This thesis consists of five chapters distributed sections and sub sections, it highlights the issues relating to the protection of human rights in the framework of the Inter-American system, emphasizing the protection bodies emanating from the American Convention on human rights, the Commission and the Inter-American Court of human rights, whose rulings or decisions are binding for States and El Salvador State being part in the adjudicatory jurisdiction decisions must be fulfilled and executed. The beginning of the process of construction of the Inter-American system, we can fix it in the sixth Conference of the OAS, in Havana in 1928, but there is a history from the American Conference of 1889-1936. Then, in 1945 the twenty-one founding of the Inter-American system States, along with other thirty States founded the Organization of the United Nations, between these El Salvador. The system boots from 1948 with the Charter of the OAS and the American Declaration of Rights and Duties of Human Kind. Develops historical background of the Inter-American system, the procedure before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights that dates from 1969 and its decisions; connects directly with substantive and procedural, aspects such as the rulings of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, its procedure, enforcement of sentences in accordance with the international treaties and the Convention of about the law of Treaties of 1969, in effect since 1980. It makes a review with comparative law, rulings against other States of the hemisphere and the European system of protection of human rights, being its regional court the European Court of Human Rights, up to an analysis of the International Criminal Court, ICC (International Criminal Court) of the Rome Statute and the Principle of Universal Jurisdiction in the majority of democratic States. The study took into account the precautionary measures of the Commission, friendly settlement, and other powers vested in this body. Similarly, the judgments on the merits and repair, provisional measures, as well as, the institution of the "Amicus Curiae", the advisory opinions, in essence are an integral part of the whole set of competencies and advisory jurisdiction of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the latter being, a true regional judicial tribunal in specialized subject matter in human rights, as a specialized organ and autonomous of the OAS. In the research include the incorporation of the inter-American decisions, as well as the advisory opinions in the domestic law in El Salvador. A comparison of the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights with the judgments of the Inter-American Court, compliance with and implementation of decisions of the two bodies are an important part in the analysis. Finally, the judgments of the Inter-American Court and the effects of their sentences, with special reference to El Salvador, based on four judgments against the Salvadoran State. The lege ferenda proposals for the reception of the judgments and their conclusions in a complementary manner form the closure of the present investigation.

This book, then, starts with a general statement: that regulators should try, wherever possible, to use the physical methodological tools presently available in order to draft better legislation. While such an assertion may be applied to the law in general, this work will concentrate on the much narrower area of Internet regulation and the science of complex networks The Internet is the subject of this book not only because it is my main area of research, but also because –without over-emphasising the importance of the Internet to everyday life– one cannot deny that the growth and popularisation of the global communications network has had a tremendous impact on the way in which we interact with one another. The Internet is, however, just one of many interactive networks. One way of looking at the complex and chaotic nature of society is to see it as a collection of different nodes of interaction. Humans are constantly surrounded by networks: the social network, the financial network, the transport network, the telecommunications network and even the network of our own bodies. Understanding how these systems operate and interact with one another has been the realm of physicists, economists, biologists and mathematicians. Until recently, the study of networks has been mainly theoretical and academic, because it is difficult to gather data about large and complex systems that is sufficiently reliable to support proper empirical application. In recent years, though, the Internet has given researchers the opportunity to study and test the mathematical descriptions of these vast complex systems. The growth rate and structure of cyberspace has allowed researchers to map and test several previously unproven theories about how links and hubs within networks interact with one another. The Web now provides the means with which to test the organisational structures, architecture and growth of networks, and even permits some limited prediction about their behaviour, strengths and vulnerabilities. The main objective of this book is first and foremost to serve as an introduction to the wider legal audience to some of the theories of complexity and networks. The second objective is more ambitious. By looking at the application of complexity theory and network science in various areas of Internet regulation, it is hoped that there will be enough evidence to postulate a theory of Internet regulation based on network science. To achieve these two goals, Chapter 2 will look in detail at the science of complex networks to set the stage for the legal and regulatory arguments to follow. With the increase in reliability of the descriptive (and sometimes predictive) nature of network science, a logical next step for legal scholars is to look at the legal implications of the characteristics of networks. Chapter 3 highlights the efforts of academics and practitioners who have started to find potential uses for network science tools. Chapter 4 takes this idea further, and explores how network theory can shape Internet regulation. The following chapters will analyse the potential for application of the tools described in the previous chapters, applying complexity theory to specific areas of study related to Internet Law. Chapter 5 deals with the subject of copyright in the digital world. Chapter 6 explores the issue of peer-production and user-generated content using network science as an analytical framework. Chapter 7 finishes the evidence section of the work by studying the impact of network architecture in the field of cybercrime, and asks whether the existing architecture hinders or assists efforts to tackle those problems. It is clear that these are very disparate areas of study. It is not the intention of this book to be overreaching in its scope, although I am mindful that it covers a lot of ground and attempts to study and describe some disciplines that fall outside of my intellectual comfort zone. While the focus of the work is the Internet, its applications may extend beyond mere electronic bits. Without trying to be over-ambitious, it is my strong belief that legal scholarship has been neglectful in that it has been slow to respond to the wealth of research into complexity. That is not to say that there has been no legal research on the topic, but it would seem that lawyers, legislators and policy-makers are reluctant to consider technical solutions to legal problems. It is hoped then that this work will serve as a stepping stone that will lead to new interest in some of the theories that I describe.

Aquest treball de tesi doctoral estudia les autoritzacions contencioses administratives que actualment acull l’ordenament jurídic administratiu: l’autorització judicial d’entrada, l’autorització de mesures sanitàries per a la protecció de la salut pública, l’autorització de les inspeccions acordades per la Comissió Nacional de la Competència i les autoritzacions per a la cessió de dades i per a la retirada de continguts o tancament de llocs Web en els procediments de salvaguarda de la propietat intel•lectual. A partir de l’anàlisi de la jurisprudència, de la doctrina y de la legislació, es construeix l’estudi d’aquesta institució amb especial èmfasi en els drets tutelats per les diferents autoritzacions i l’activitat administrativa que s’hi vincula, així com en tot allò relacionat amb qüestions competencials, processals i relatives a l’abast del control judicial. L’estudi pren com a punt de partida el tronc comú que comparteixen les diferents autoritzacions com a mecanismes de tutela apriorística de determinats drets dels ciutadans susceptibles de ser afectats per l’activitat administrativa executiva, en què s’encomana a l’òrgan judicial que vetlli per la incolumitat dels drets mitjançant l’exercici d’un control no de legalitat, sinó de ponderació entre la consecució de l’interès públic i la preservació dels drets privats; això, però, no impedeix parar atenció als trets distintius de cadascuna de les diferents autoritzacions. / El presente trabajo de tesis doctoral aborda el estudio de las autorizaciones contencioso-administrativas que actualmente acoge el ordenamiento jurídico administrativo: la autorización judicial de entrada, la autorización de medidas sanitarias para la protección de la salud pública, la autorización de las inspecciones acordadas por la Comisión Nacional de la Competencia y las autorizaciones para la cesión de datos y para la retirada de contenidos o cierre de páginas Web en los procedimientos de salvaguarda de la propiedad intelectual. A partir análisis de la jurisprudencia, de la doctrina y de la legislación, se construye el estudio de esta institución con especial énfasis en los derechos tutelados por las distintas autorizaciones y la actividad administrativa vinculada a ellas, así como en lo atinente a cuestiones competenciales, procesales y al alcance del control judicial. El estudio parte del tronco común que comparten las distintas autorizaciones como mecanismo de tutela apriorística de determinados derechos de los ciudadanos susceptibles de ser afectados por la actividad administrativa ejecutiva, en el que se encomienda al órgano judicial que vele por la incolumidad de tales derechos ejerciendo no un control de legalidad, sino un juicio de ponderación entre la consecución del interés público y la preservación de los derechos privados; no sin por ello reparar en los elementos distintivos de cada una de las mentadas autorizaciones. / This doctoral thesis examines the four contentious-administrative warrants currently regulated by the administrative legal system: (a) the warrant of entry, (b) the warrant authorizing health measures for the protection of public health, (c) the warrant authorizing inspections ordered by the National Competition Commission and (d) the warrants authorizing the communication of personal data and the withdrawal of website contents or its closure in the frame of administrative procedures to protect intellectual property. The thesis’ analysis is based on the study of case law, scholarly literature and legislation. It focuses on the rights protected by the different warrants and their associated administrative activities. Aditionally it assesses the judicial competence and procedure, and the scope of control given to the courts. The study stems from the common core shared by the different species of contentious-administrative warrants, understood as instruments for rendering a priori protection to the citizens’ rights by means of a judgment aiming at balancing public interests and private rights; the dissertation pays close attention to the distinctive features of each of the warrants.

En la presente Tesis Doctoral se efectúa un análisis constitucional sobre la Policía Nacional de Colombia, a partir de los elementos configuradores que conforman a ésta institución jurídica, los cuales permiten desentrañar la configuración constitucional de la Policía Nacional en el ordenamiento jurídico colombiano. Para dicho propósito, se identifican y analizan cinco elementos configuradores de la institución policial: su estructura como institución de garantía de los derechos y libertades de las personas; su naturaleza de carácter civil; su función general de protección, promoción, respeto y garantía de los derechos y libertades de las personas; el uso de la fuerza y de las armas de fuego en su actuación y sus límites. Lo anterior se efectúa con base a una metodología constitucional que parte del estudio y análisis de la institución policial desde la Constitución de 1991, fundamentada en lineamientos jurisprudenciales de la Corte Constitucional Colombiana y de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, así como diversos tratados internacionales y especialmente la Convención Americana de Derechos Humanos, permitiendo construir el referente constitucional necesario para analizar la concordancia de la normativa de desarrollo. De esta manera, la Tesis Doctoral se encuentra estructurada en cuatro capítulos. En los primeros dos capítulos denominados como Antecedentes de la Policía Nacional en Colombia y la Formación de la Policía Nacional en la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente, se construyen los antecedentes de la institución policial, analizándose el contexto social y político en el que evolucionó la Policía Nacional y las principales discusiones sobre la Policía Nacional, surtidas al interior de la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente al momento de redactar la Constitución de 1991. En el tercer capítulo denominado como la Configuración Constitucional de la Naturaleza y Función de la Policía Nacional en la Constitución de Colombia de 1991, se construye el referente constitucional que finalmente será parámetro de análisis de la normativa de desarrollo, lo cual se evidencia en el cuarto capítulo denominado como la legislación de desarrollo sobre la naturaleza y función de la Policía Nacional. / In this PhD thesis a constitutional analysis of the Colombian National Police is made from the elements that make up this institution, which allow untying the constitutional setup of the National Police in the Colombian legal system. For this purpose, five configuring elements from the police institution areidentified and analyzed: its structure as an institution to guarantee the rights and freedoms of individuals; its civilian nature objects; its general function to protect, promote, respect and guarantee the rights and freedoms of individuals; the use of force and firearms in their performance and limits. This is done based on a constitutional methodology of the study and analysis of the police institution since the Constitution of 1991, based on case law guidelines of the Colombian Constitutional Court and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and international agreements and especially the American Convention on Human Rights, allowing to build the constitutional referent needed for reviewing the consistency of the regulations. Thus, the doctoral thesis is structured in four chapters. In the first and second chapter referred to as the National Police History in Colombia and the Formation of the National Police in the National Constituent Assembly, the history of the police force are built, analyzing the social and political context in which the National Police evolved and the main discussions stocked within the National Constituent Assembly when drafting the 1991 Constitution. In the third chapter called Constitutional Configuration of the Nature and Function of the National Police in the Constitution of Colombia 1991, It is built the constitutional referent that finally will be parameter of analysis of the regulations, which is evident in the fourth chapter referred to as the law of development about the nature and role of the National Police.

This thesis is about a special form of asylum, which is uniquely found in Greece. Besides all other forms of asylum such as ecclesiastical sanctuaries, political and diplomatic asylum, in Greece, in 1982 "University Asylum" was established as a constitutional right. It prohibits any state authority whether police, fire-brigade or army from entering university premises without the express permission of the university authorities or exceptionally in life threatening situations. As a result for the last twenty years in Greece, university campuses have been "non-policed" areas where crime control and order maintenance is solely a matter for the university community to deal with. This thesis aims to analyse the historical and socio-political context which gave rise to university asylum and the consequences, for crime and disorder, of having non-policed areas. Accordingly the thesis starts with a discussion of the concept of asylum as has been found from antiquity. Different civilisations in different times and in different ways had exercised the concept of asylum, which basically is the protection accorded to pursued persons. The concept of asylum has been shaped in various forms corresponding to the needs of each historical period. The fundamental idea of the concept of asylum has been to create an intermediary inviolable place for those fleeing their persecutors, where the asylum seekers can enjoy temporary protection from the authorities or individuals pursuing them until negotiations begin. However, in practice with the Greek "University Asylum" many problems of crime and disorder occurred inside universities, especially in universities located in urban areas, which sometimes were so serious that fear of crime increased and the feeling of security declined inside university premises. This research analyses the problematic of university asylum and its impact on crime and disorder inside universities. This study aims to contribute to the body of knowledge about the concept of asylum particularly university asylum. The main purpose of this thesis is the exposition and analysis not only of the university asylum law as it appears in books but also how it functions in reality as a mechanism of social control on university campuses. Greek university asylum is linked with the student political movement and the crisis in French universities in May 1968, and of course the dark times of the Greek military junta (1967-1974) and especially with the Athens Polytechnic University revolt (November 14-17,1973) when the junta police fatally intervened within the Polytechnic premises causing the death of many students who protested against the regime. Accordingly, this research throughout does not aim simply to describe and graphically document the criminological situation inside Greek universities as it was in the past decades and as it is now, but also seeks to explain and to evaluate it, in the light of its symbolic, criminological, legal and political significance. In particular this study seeks to examine the consequences of asylum law for crime and disorder inside Greek universities. For the needs of this study fieldwork has been carried out and empirical data gathered, which shown that although crime and disorder inside Greek universities is a serious problem it is often overestimated by the mass media. However, the problem of crime inside Greek universities is of less significance if compared with the criminality occurring outside university grounds. In addition the problem of university asylum raises not only legal and practical issues, in relation to criminal behaviour, but also political issues since from 1982 when the university asylum law was passed educational and socio-political conditions have changed. Accordingly some reformation of the university asylum law, if decided upon, should be in such a way that the fundamental meaning, the symbolism and ideology of the concept of university asylum remains the basic element of academic freedom, university teaching and scientific research in Greece.

El Estado español tiene más de 100.000 construcciones ilegales. En la actualidad, la ejecución de las sentencias en materia urbanística no es eficaz. Existe, por tanto, una situación de inejecución de las sentencias urbanísticas. Un ciudadano puede construir una casa al amparo de una licencia. Sin embargo, a veces, esta licencia es ilegal porque infringe el plan urbanístico aplicable y incluso la propia ley de urbanismo. La consecuencia jurídica de la ilegal es la obligatoriedad del derribo de lo ilegalmente construido. Lo mismo sucede ante la declaración de ilegalidad de un plan urbanístico. En este caso, el juez o tribunal estimará la ilegalidad del plan y el fallo deberá ser ejecutado. La solución no es un fácil porque la demolición o derribo de la construcción ilegal trae consigo el pago de una indemnización a los propietarios que han edificado al amparo de una licencia ilegal.El derecho a la ejecución de sentencias es prescrito por el artículo 24 de la Constitución española. Este artículo 24 garantiza el derecho de todos ciudadanos a una tutela judicial efectiva. El Tribunal Constitucional español en sus sentencias número 67/1984 y 28/1989, reconocieron que el derecho a la ejecución de las resoluciones judiciales deriva del propio derecho a la tutela judicial efectiva. La justicia administrativa está regulada por la Ley 29/1998, del 13 de julio, reguladora de la jurisdicción contencioso-administrativa. En su artículo 103.1 de la Ley 29/1998, establece que los jueces y los tribunales de la jurisdicción administrativa son los competentes para hacer ejecutar las sentencias. Por otro lado, el artículo 117.3 de la Constitución Española otorga la competencia en exclusiva a los jueces y tribunales para hacer ejecutar las sentencias, como manifestación del principio de división de poderes.En último lugar, los valores que la legislación urbanística española incorpora, tales como, el desarrollo sostenible, urbanismo sostenible y la cohesión social, quedan inaplicados si las sentencias urbanísticas no se ejecutan. / The Spanish State has over 100,000 (one hundred thousand) illegal constructions.At present, legal judgments in the field of urban development are not being carried out; there is a situation of non-execution of legal judgments relating to urban matters: a citizen can build a house, after the local council has given the relevant building permit. However, sometimes, this permit is not legal, because it does not correspond to the urban development plans or perhaps to the relevant urban development law. So, the courts declare the permit to be illegal and the building has to be demolished.The same happens when a town council approves local development plans and these go against urban development laws. In this case, the judge will declare the plans to be illegal and the sentence will have to be executed.The solution is not an easy one as a demolition also brings with it the payment of compensation by the town council to the owners of the buildings, who had the building work done on the basis of an invalid permit.The right to the execution of legal decisions is laid out in article 24 of the Spanish Constitution. This article 24 guarantees the right of all citizens to an effective judicial tutelage (guardianship).The Spanish Constitutional Tribunal in its legal decisions numbers 67/1984 and 28/1989, recognized the right to the execution of legal decisions to be the very manifestation of effective judicial tutelage. Administrative judicial tribunals are regulated by their own law: "Law 29/1998, of the 13th of July, on the regulation of litigious-administrative jurisdiction".Article 103.1 of the Law 29/1998, establishes that it is the judges and tribunals of the litigious administrative jurisdiction who have the authority to uphold the execution of legal decisions. Judges and tribunal have exclusive authority in this matter according to article 117.3 of the Spanish Constitution. It is the very manifestation of the principle of the separation of powers. In consequence, in urban development, the reality is that the laws speak of environmental protection, sustainable development, evaluation of environmental impact and sustainable growth, but when the application of the law made by public administrations is challenged, the decision is not carried out.

Esta investigación parte de un examen de los diferentes conceptos de femicidio/feminicidio, de sus orígenes, de sus diferentes connotaciones, así como de su subdivisión y marcos normativos internacionales en orden a realizar un análisis del panorama de la tipificación del feminicidio/femicidio llevado a cabo, hasta la actualidad, en los países latinoamericanos. Para definir los objetos de la investigación, utilizaremos tres clasificaciones diferentes, a saber: países que han adoptado leyes autónomas (es decir, fuera del Código Penal), como Costa Rica y Guatemala; países que han promulgado legislaciones internas que contemplan el tipo penal autónomo de femicidio/feminicidio pero incluyéndolo en el Código Penal, como es el caso de México; y, por último, las iniciativas de leyes que han adoptado el femicidio/feminicidio como calificador y agravante del delito de homicidio en los Códigos Penales, como se ha hecho en Chile y en Perú. Prestaremos especial atención a la regulación en dos ordenamientos jurídicos, como son el español y el brasileño. En cuanto a la regulación en España, cabe destacar la Ley de Protección Integral contra la violencia de género (LO 1/2004), que, a partir de las recomendaciones de los organismos internacionales, tiene como objetivo proporcionar una respuesta global a la violencia que se ejerce sobre las mujeres. Junto al análisis y balance de esta Ley, analizaremos si resulta necesario incorporar la figura penal del femicidio/feminicidio en el ordenamiento español. En cuanto al ordenamiento jurídico brasileño, partiremos de una breve historia de la violencia contra las mujeres en Brasil, con el objetivo de facilitar una adecuada comprensión de los procesos históricos hasta llegar a la promulgación de la Ley nº 11.340 de 7 de agosto de 2006, denominada Ley Maria da Penha, que conforma la singularidad de nuestro caso. Por último, presentamos algunos aspectos de la reciente tipificación del feminicidio, incluida en el Código Penal brasileño mediante la Ley 13.104 de 09 de marzo de 2015, como calificadora del delito de homicidio. / This research is based on a review of the different concepts of femicide/femicide, their origins, their different connotations, as well as its subdivision, and international regulatory frameworks in order to analysis the panorama of the typification of feminicide/femicide carried out, until the present day, in the Latin American countries. To define the objects of the investigation, we will use three different classifications, namely: countries that have adopted autonomous laws (i.e. outside of the Criminal Code), as Costa Rica and Guatemala, countries that have enacted internal laws that consider the autonomous criminal offence nature of femicide/feminicide but by including it in the Penal Code, as is the case of Mexico; and, finally, the initiatives of laws that have adopted the femicide/feminicide as a qualifier and aggravating of the crime of murder in the Criminal Codes, as has been done in Chile and Peru. Concerning the regulation in Spain, it should be noted the Law of Integral Protection against gender-based violence (LO 1/2004), which, based on the recommendations of the international agencies, aims to provide a comprehensive response to violence against women. Next to the analysis and assessment of this Law, we will consider whether it is necessary to incorporate the criminal offense of femicide/femicide in Spanish law. Concerning the Brazilian legal system, we will depart from a brief history of violence against women in Brazil, with the objective to facilitate an adequate understanding of the historical processes until the enactment of Law No. 11,340 of 7 August 2006, called Law Maria da Penha, which forms the uniqueness of our case. Finally, we present some aspects of recent typification of femicide, including in the Brazilian Penal Code by Law.

Toute nation fait désormais face à un lieu commun selon lequel, le développement et la qualité de son fonctionnement dépendront plus que jamais du niveau de son enseignement supérieur, tant du point de la formation que de sa recherche et sa valorisation. Si en France, l’enseignement supérieur est fortement marqué par le poids de l’Etat, et de la conception du service public, force est de constater qu’il fait aujourd’hui face à de nombreuses évolutions marquantes : l’augmentation de l’offre et de la demande, la diversification des enseignements à la fois dans les domaines à enseigner et dans les méthodologies d’enseignement, la mise en concurrence.Le modèle français doit être repensé, dans le respect de ce qui fait l'essence même des universités, à savoir la liberté académique. Il faut alors penser ce qu’est l’action de l’Etat dans le domaine de l’enseignement supérieur et de la recherche. / Every nation now faces a commonplace that the development and the quality of its performance depend more than ever on the level of its higher education, both in terms of the training of its research and its valuation. If in France, higher education is strongly influenced by the weight of the State, and the concept of public service, it is clear that today face many significant developments: the rise of supply and demand, diversification of teaching in both areas to teach and teaching methodologies, the introduction of competition.The French model has to be redesigned, respecting what makes the essence of universities, namely academic freedom. You have to remember what the action of the State in the field of higher education and research.