The trilobite fauna of the Silurian successions of the Girvan area, Strathclyde Region, Scotland, is revised. Twenty eight genera (one new) belonging to the Scutelluidae, Illaenidae, Proetidae, Brachymetopidae, Aulacopleuridae, Harpetidae, Cheiruridae, Encrinuridae, Calymenidae, Phacopidae, Pterygometopidae, Lichidae and Odontopleuridae are represented, and include thirty nine named species (fifteen new), and twenty nine forms under open nomenclature. The fauna is interpreted as having occupied a shallow shelf environment. The distribution of trilobite species is compared with the shore-parallel brachiopod communities recognized in rocks of the same age in Wales and the Welsh Borderland.

Apart from the introductory chapter, this thesis is divided into six parts. Chapter two provides a basic discussion of the authorship of the Liu-zi. This part will incorporate and comment previous opinions, and then compare and contrast the Liu-zi and the Wenxin Diaolong. It begins by exploring the opinion that the Liu-zi was written by an Easten Jin scholar. However, this paper will show that the text was written by Liu Zhou of the Beiqi Period(550-577) during the Southern and the Northern Dynasty. Chapter three analyzes the reference sources of the Liu-zi through parallel readings of the Liu-zi the Huainanzi and the Extant Version of the Wenzi. In addition to study parallel passages found in these titles and to show this extensive reworking, this part expounds on typical examples of the different modifications on the Liu-zi by comparing with the Huainanzi and the Extant version of the Wenzi. The Liu-zi tends to use materials from these two earlier texts to present new interpretation of the books. Furthermore, there will be a discussion of a scholastic idea on the timing of the authorship as well as the textual history of the Huainazi and the Extant version of the Wenzi. Chapter four investigates the absorption and abandonment of the theories of Other Scholars in the Liu-zi. By using such connection, this part aims at examining the relationships between the Liu-zi and the other texts to show the differences and inheritance of the Liu-zi among and from those previous texts of Other Scholars. Chapter five inspects opinions of previous scholars on the development of the Eclectics. The chapter further argues with the general misread that the Eclectics is merely Wang-lao Taoism. Then it shows the importance of the Eclectics in the Hanji and determines the academic status of the Liu-zi in the Eclectics, that is, in the history of Chinese Textual Bibliography. Chapter six provides a basic discussion between the Liu-zi and major extant writings of Metaphysics in Wei-Jin Dynasties. This is to look into a special feature, the mutual dependence of Confucianism and Daoism, of the Liu-zi, thus confirming the academic status of the book in Chinese tradition. By providing textual comparison, this aims to provide the relationship and inheritance between the Liu-zi and other major extant writings of Metaphysics in Wei-Jin Dynasties for further research. Chapter seven is a recapitulation of the main points in this thesis. / For other works compiled in the Pre-Han and Han Dynasties which are also parallel to the Liu-zi, please refer to appendix1. / The Liu-zi was traditionally regarded as a work of the Eclectics during the Wei-Jin and the Six Dynasties. Previous discussions of the Liu-zi focus merely on its authorship, but as the issue is intricate, this problem is unresolved even in current researches. Other than the authorship, the general picture, especially the Philological aspect of the book is only rarely explored. This thesis aims to carry out an in-depth investigation of the Liu-zi, including its authorship and a comparison with other related texts, such as the Lushi Chunqiu and the Huainanzi. By doing so, I want to highlight the features and value of the Liu-zi, and demonstrate how the Liu-zi is influenced and adapted from the above two books. / 梁德華. / Adviser: Che Wah Ho. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-03, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 290-318). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Liang Dehua.

Kathleen R. Early. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 155-163). / Research supported by Joint Services Electronics Program DAAL03-89-C-0001 Research supported by National Science Foundation ECS 87-09806

Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Langue et littérature française et comparée--Paris 4, 2005. / Bibliogr. p. 345-428. Index.

Resumo: Trabalhar com qualquer tema relacionado à porção Oriental de nosso planeta não é das tarefas mais fáceis. As fontes são menos conhecidas, as traduções nem sempre são confiáveis, entre outras várias questões. Tudo isso diminuí, consideravelmente, os parâmetros de comparação tão úteis em qualquer estudo historiográfico. Felizmente, estas restrições são cada vez “menos respeitadas” e diversos autores procuram contornar estes problemas e produzir obras que recolocam o Oriente no mapa. A fonte primária desta dissertação provém de três manuscritos diferentes. O primeiro, encontrado no século IX, foi primeiramente chamado de Vaticanus; os outros dois, ambos encontrados no século XI, foram inicialmente denominados Sinaiticus e Laurentianus. Muito se discute sobre a integridade da obra. Alguns autores consideram que estes três manuscritos são partes de obras distintas, mas como não se encontrou mais nenhuma produção literária deste mesmo autor, fez-se regra compilar e editar estes três manuscritos como uma única obra, a “Topografia Cristã”, escrita por um viajante e comerciante alexandrino denominado Cosme Indicopleustes, ou Cosme, o navegador do Índico. A obra deixada por ele relata toda uma ideologia político-cultural do contexto de seu autor. A unificação da fé católica sob a tutela de Constantinopla, proposta política e religiosa promovida por Justiniano, aparece no texto na visão própria e singular de Cosme, demonstrando que este aspecto se encontrava fortemente inserido na cultura interna do Império Romano Oriental. Cosme é um paradigma inevitável entre os pensamentos científico e religioso. Utiliza-se de fatos, dados matemáticos e inúmeros outros artifícios quando estes o favorecem, mas sempre manipula os resultados para que nunca ultrapassem suas pré-concepções retiradas diretamente das Sagradas Escrituras. A obra foi escrita durante o reinado de Justiniano (527 – 565), imperador nascido em Skopje, na região da Macedônia e sobrinho do imperador Justino, que havia chegado ao trono por meios militares. Foi educado em Constantinopla e viu o conflito com o Ocidente atingir seu ápice, com a perseguição de seu tio as seitas heréticas cristãs. É, também, personagem considerado por muitos como o último imperador do Império Romano do Oriente e o primeiro do Império Bizantino. Este período de transição transpareceu em seus atos políticos. Foi com Justiniano que aconteceu a última tentativa de uma política de reunificação dos antigos territórios do Império Romano, além de representar a primeira vez que esta iniciativa partia do lado oriental do território. A “Renovatio Imperium” foi um audacioso projeto de reconquista dos territórios ocidentais (como a Península Itálica e o Norte da África) e de expansão aos territórios orientais, representados imediatamente pelos maiores rivais dos bizantinos, os Persas da dinastia Sassânida. Resgatava-se uma velha ideologia ante ao Ocidente, qualquer território uma vez romano é, para sempre, inalienável do império.

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In 533, Justinian I ordered the conquest of the former Roman provinces of Africa, which had been lost to the Vandals a century earlier. The 'reconquest' has been regarded, by contemporaries and modern scholars alike, as one of the defining successes of the reign. However, despite the evident achievements of the campaign, Roman victory over the Vandals marked little more than the beginning of the Eastern Roman Empire's attempt to consolidate its position in Africa. The unanticipated threat posed by hostilities from the Berber tribes would continue until 548. Roman-Berber relations, unlike other aspects of Justinian's foreign relations, have received comparatively little attention, and this study aims to reassess the establishment of Roman authority in Africa and the Eastern Roman Empire's response to the Berber threat. In particular, it considers whether this response should be seen as a series of ad hoc reactions to immediate circumstances, or whether it is possible to identify a coherent Roman policy vis-à-vis the Berbers. The major conclusions of this study fall in two areas. First, it argues that Roman objectives in Africa were far more limited than has generally been supposed, with the empire's territorial ambitions not extending beyond key coastal positions which offered strategic and commercial advantages, and from which the empire could project its limited authority into the interior. Second, this study concludes that the Eastern Roman Empire's actions with respect to the Berber tribes lacked coherence. Attempts to implement a system of client rulers were unsuccessful, partly as a result of the competition between individual Berber leaders as they sought to establish independent polities within the frontiers of the former Roman Empire; and partly as a result of an increasing lack of resources, as well as the instability caused by constantly changing leadership within the African civil and military administrations, which prevented the development of coherent long term strategies for addressing the Berber threat.