Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Santa Cruz, 1988. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 79-83).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Cornell University, 1985. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 257-261).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2005. / Supervisor: Nicholas Asher. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

La thèse porte sur l’emploi des pronoms personnels anaphoriques sujets dans le récit faisant suite à des séquences dialoguées. Elle est fondée sur un corpus de 370 extraits de romans français du XIXème siècle qui ont été systématiquement annotés. Le point de vue général adopté est tiré des travaux linguistiques et psycholinguistiques sur la référence et l’anaphore, il prévoit que l’assignation du référent au pronom se fait par l’intermédiaire de la représentation mentale construite par les lecteurs au cours du traitement du discours. Dans les extraits étudiés, les expressions référentielles renvoyant à des personnages ont été systématiquement annotés, en particulier les pronoms de troisième personne et les pronoms de dialogue, ainsi que les formes vides dans les phrases attributives de discours rapporté quand celles-ci sont ellipsées. La forme et la fonction des expressions référentielles est prise en compte de même que l’enchaînement des répliques. Les référents sont annotés par des traits contextuels indépendants les caractérisant : +/– centre anticipateur dans la narration avant le dialogue, +/– sujet dans le discours cité et +/– locuteur de la dernière réplique, plus d’autres traits comme la différence de genre. Quatre grandes configurations sont distinguées et, à la suite, nous proposons une typologie des transitions en fonction de la (dis)continuité entre la narration, le discours citant et le discours cité. Les données tirées du corpus montrent que, parmi les traits pris en compte, ce sont les mentions du référent du pronom à la suite de la séquence dialoguée dans la narration avant le dialogue et la différence de genre entre les participants du dialogue qui influent le plus sur les transitions, ainsi que le statut du référent en tant que locuteur de la dernière réplique, plutôt que le fait qu’il soit sujet de la dernière proposition du discours cité. / This thesis explores the use of anaphoric personal pronoun in the narration following dialogue in literary text. The study is based on a nearly four hundred dialogue passages borrowed from XIXth century French novels. We have adopted the point of view that pronoun resolution is guided by the mental representation being constructed during discourse processing. All the expressions referring to characters, as well as implicit speakers in the absence of a reporting clause have been annotated in the passages. Besides the linguistic properties of referents, our study also considers dialogue’s alternating structure. After studying separately several features caracterizing a referent, such as +/– gender difference, +/– mentions in the narration before the dialogue, +/– being subject in the dialogue and +/– being speaker of the last quote, their combinations in chains were presented. Based on four different types of chains, a typology of transitions by referential (dis)continuity between narration, reporting clause and direct speech has been proposed. Of the studied features, the transitions are most influenced by the mentions of a referent in the narration before the dialogue and by different gender of discourse participants, but also by the referent being the speaker of the last line of the dialogue, while the fact of being the subject in the direct speech has less importance.

Submitted by Edileide Reis (leyde-landy@hotmail.com) on 2013-05-16T14:12:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Teresa Maria Silva e Silva.pdf: 1347179 bytes, checksum: bb6354be1a4f190c2c0c645d145c1275 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Alda Lima da Silva(sivalda@ufba.br) on 2013-05-16T16:49:33Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Teresa Maria Silva e Silva.pdf: 1347179 bytes, checksum: bb6354be1a4f190c2c0c645d145c1275 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-16T16:49:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Teresa Maria Silva e Silva.pdf: 1347179 bytes, checksum: bb6354be1a4f190c2c0c645d145c1275 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Esta pesquisa tem como propósito refletir sobre o fe nômeno da anáfora, tendo como recorte a anáfora encapsuladora, a partir do funcionamento de itens anafóricos identificados nos textos do gênero dissertativo. A presente investigação se apóia na Lingüística Textual, considerando os trabalhos já desenvolvidos pelos teóricos Apothéloz (1995), Marcuschi e Koch (2002) e Heine (2000). Esta hipótese de trabalho orienta-se por considerar o texto como objeto particular da investigação lingüística, por ser ele a forma específica de manifestação da linguagem. A anáfora encapsuladora nesse estudo será entendida como um tipo de expressão referencial que sumariza uma porção textual (ou o discurso) e não será considerada como um referente na acepção clássica, pontual que postula uma relação de correspondência entre itens textuais. Dessa forma, a anáfora no presente trabalho, tende a uma concepção mais ampla do termo anafórico, considerando que a anáfora encapsuladora recupera porções textuais que serão ou que já estão sinalizadas no co(n)texto. Assim, a anáfora encapsuladora pode ter seu funcionamento na rotulação, sumarização ou recuperação do discurso. / Salvador

Notre étude est centrée sur les mécanismes elliptiques au sein des anaphores associativesméronymiques. Nous sommes partie de l’hypothèse que dans ce type d’anaphore, il existe deuxstructures : une structure profonde et une structure de surface. La première consiste en la présence destrois éléments : le tout, le prédicat partitif et la partie. La deuxième, où apparaissent les différents typesd’ellipse, fait l’objet de notre travail.Nous nous sommes attardée sur trois types d’ellipse que nous considérons caractéristiques desanaphores méronymiques : l’ellipse du prédicat partitif, celle du deuxième élément de la structure N DeN et celle de l’antécédent anaphorique. Traitées séparément, les anaphores nominales, les anaphoresverbales et les anaphores adverbiales ont été soumises dans un premier temps à une descriptionsyntactico-sémantique et dans un deuxième temps à la théorie des trois fonctions primaires. Cettethéorie nous a permis d’expliquer la possibilité pour certains éléments, d’être élidés au sein del’anaphore associative méronymique. / Our study focuses on elliptic mechanisms within associative meronymic anaphora. We departed fromthe assumption that in this type of anaphora, there are two structures: a deep structure and a surfacestructure. The first consists in the presence of three elements: the whole, the partitive predicate and thepart. The second, which shows the different types of ellipsis, is the topic of our work.We focused on three types of Ellipsis, which we considered typical meronymic anaphora: ellipsis ofpartitive predicate, ellipsis of the second element of the structure [N De N] and that of the anaphoricantecedent. Treated separately, nominal anaphora, verbal anaphora, and adverbial anaphora wereinitially submitted to a syntactic-semantic description, and then, to the three primary functions theory.This theory allowed us to explain the ability of certain items to be elided in the associative meronymicanaphora.

Submitted by Fernando Souza (fernandoafsou@gmail.com) on 2017-08-03T12:23:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2062214 bytes, checksum: 6431e34faacef3adea0e676969755258 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-03T12:23:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2062214 bytes, checksum: 6431e34faacef3adea0e676969755258 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The research conducted in this study investigates the verbal reflexivity and its role in the anaphoric process. In order to determine which verbs are considered more acceptable in reading sentences containing the anaphora a si mesmo(a) and se(self), it was held three offline acceptability judgment tests with Brazilian Portuguese native speakers. It was used the concept of reflexivity proposed by Reinhart & Reuland (1993) which predicts that the reflectivity is a property of predicates as well as the functionalist nature of the work of Christiano (1993) and Mello (2008), as they established a higher rating categorical for verbs with more reflective characteristics, dividing them into three levels; primary – penteou (combed), secondary – sentou (sat) - and tertiary – acusou (accused) - according to their degree of reflexivity. The results found in the first test with anaphora a si mesmo(a), and se, and the three verbs with the three levels of reflexivity showed that the anaphora se was considered more acceptable, regardless of the verb type. With these results, we conducted two tests in order to verify the possible verbal influence. In the second test using the same verbs of the first experimental test and the anaphora se, in order to find evidences of the verbal influence. The findings toward to the influence only of the secondary verb combined with anaphora se. Thus, we conducted a third trial acceptability test using only the secondary verb and the absence and presence of anaphora se and we observe a significant effect of the secondary verb type when it was in the presence of anaphora is. In general, the results showed that the property of reflexivity may be present both in the anaphora as the predicate, and says Reinhart & Reuland (1993). / A pesquisa elaborada neste estudo investiga a reflexividade verbal e seu papel no processamento anafórico. No intuito de verificar quais verbos são considerados mais aceitáveis na leitura de sentenças contendo as anáforas a si mesmo(a) e se, realizamos três testes de julgamento de aceitabilidade, offline, com falantes nativos do português brasileiro. Utilizou-se da noção de reflexividade proposta por Reinhart & Reuland (1993), que predizem que a reflexividade é uma propriedade dos predicados, bem como dos trabalhos de cunho funcionalista de Christiano (1993) e Mello (2008), pois estes estabeleceram uma classificação mais categórica para os verbos com características mais reflexivas, dividindo-os em três níveis: primário - penteou, secundário – sentou - e terciário – acusou - de acordo com o seu grau de reflexividade. Os resultados encontrados no primeiro teste com as anáforas a si mesmo(a), se e os verbos dos três níveis de reflexividade evidenciaram que a anáfora se foi considerada mais aceitável, independentemente do tipo de verbo. Diante desses resultados realizamos mais dois testes com vistas a comprovar a possível influência verbal. No segundo teste utilizamos os mesmo verbos do primeiro teste experimental e a anáfora se, no intuito de encontrar evidências da influência verbal. Os resultados tangenciaram para a influência, apenas, do tipo de verbo secundário aliado a anáfora se. Assim, realizamos um terceiro teste de julgamento de aceitabilidade utilizando somente o verbo secundário e a ausência e presença da anáfora se e observamos um efeito significativo do tipo de verbo secundário quando este estava na presença da anáfora se. De modo geral, os resultados encontrados evidenciaram que a propriedade da reflexividade pode estar presente tanto na anáfora como no predicado, assim como afirma Reinhart & Reuland (1993).

Ce travail est consacré à l’étude contrastive du fonctionnement de l’anaphore résomptive à tête nominale (ARN) en allemand et en français. Il s’appuie principalement sur un corpus de textes journalistiques. Le journaliste est un scripteur qui, par le biais de son article, désire informer son lecteur, voire le faire adhérer à sa vision du monde. Mais il est soumis à des contraintes de place. L’ARN est un moyen linguistique de choix, car elle permet un compactage par abstraction et par généralisation des informations sous la forme d’un concept introduit par le nom-tête de l’ARN. Il en ressort que les constituants de l’ARN que sont le déterminatif, le nom-tête et son expansion, et l’ARN en soi jouent un rôle non négligeable au sein de l’énoncé et du paragraphe. Afin de rendre compte de la dimension cognitive du phénomène anaphorique, le recours à la notion de saillance permet de montrer le rôle central des ARN dans la cohérence textuelle. Ce type d’expressions anaphoriques joue en outre un rôle au niveau textuel et au niveau argumentatif. L’ARN est en effet une balise saillante au service de l’argumentation. Elle permet de structurer et d’organiser le discours, ainsi que de participer à la stratégie argumentative du journaliste. / The purpose of this work is to develop a contrastive study of nominal anaphoric encapsulation in German and in French. It is mainly based on a corpus of newspaper articles. Thanks to their articles, journalists want to inform their readers, and sometimes make them share their own world view. But journalists are forced to do with limited space. Nominal anaphoric encapsulation is a perfect linguistic tool because it allows concision through the abstraction and generalization of information – a concept being introduced by the head noun of the nominal anaphoric encapsulation. Therefore, constituent parts of nominal anaphoric encapsulation (determinative, head noun and its expansion) and nominal anaphoric encapsulation itself play an important role in the clause and in the paragraph. In order to analyse the cognitive dimension of the anaphoric phenomenon, we use the notion of saliency to show the central role of nominal anaphoric encapsulation in textual coherence. Furthermore, such anaphoric expressions play a role at the textual and argumentative levels. Nominal anaphoric encapsulation is actually a salient buoy supporting the argumentation. It serves to structure and organize the speech, and to participate in the argumentative strategy of journalists.

Cette thèse propose une étude de l’alternance entre do it, this and do that dans leur emploi comme anaphores verbales (Verb Phrase anaphors, VPAs), où ils renvoient à une action saillante soit évoquée précédemment dans le discours, (la plus souvent via un SV) soit, par exophore, à une action saillante dans la situation discursive mais non évoquée explicitement dans le discours précédent. Do it/this/that ont été peu étudiés dans la littérature par ailleurs conséquente sur l’anaphore and et en particulier l’ellipse du VP (VP ellipsis, VPE, par ex. Kim knows the answer and Pat does too). En effet, on a longtemps considéré que ces trois constructions sont interchangeables entre elles ainsi qu’avec do so et l’ellipse, de sorte qu’un examen détaillé de leur propriétés discursives n’a pas été jugé utile. Les exemples ci-dessous montrent que cette supposition est incorrecte: en (1), un exemple attesté tiré du BNC, do this/that/so pourraient être employés au lieu de do it, mais en (3), do that est nettement préféré. S’agissant de l’ellipse, elle est peu naturelle en (1) et préfère un contexte comme celui en (2).1. They’ve been rescuing companies for so long they do it automatically now, I expect. (AB9, ok: they do this/that/so automatically…)2. They’ve been rescuing companies for so long that whenever they do, it’s always a success.3. He closes his eyes when he speaks and I don’t trust anyone who does that. (AHF ; …anyone who #does this/#it/#so)A partir d’un échantillon d’exemples annotés du British National corpus (BNC, Davies 2004-), notre étude examinera les facteurs qui entrent en jeu dans l’alternance entre do it/this/that. Le choix entre les VPAs est déterminé entre autres par le registre, la présence d’un circonstant après l’anaphore, la mention ou non de l’antécédent avant la phrase antécédent, et dans une moindre mesure, la saillance de l’antécédent et la familiarité supposée qu’en a le destinataire. Do it renvoie en général a des actions très saillantes qui sont ensuite décrites plus en détail par le biais d’un circonstant. Do this, au contraire, dénote plutôt des actions qui n’ont pas été évoquées avant la phrase antécédent, et son emploi avec un circonstant est moins fréquent que pour do it. Do that est employé le plus souvent sans circonstant, et son usage présente parfois de grandes similarités avec l’ellipse. / The present thesis offers a corpus study of the alternation between do it, do this and do that in their use as ‘Verb Phrase anaphors’ (VPAs), in which they refer to a salient action mentioned in previous discourse, typically by means of a VP, or exophorically to a salient action in the speech situation that is not explicitly mentioned in previous discourse. Do it/this/that have been little studied in the otherwise extant literature on anaphora and especially VP ellipsis (VPE, e.g., Kim knows the answer and Pat does too). This is because it has long been assumed that they are largely interchangeable with each other as well as with do so and VPE, so that detailed analysis of their discourse properties was not deemed worth pursuing. The examples below show that this assumption is flawed : in (1), an attested example from the BNC, do this/that so could be used instead of do it, but in (3), do that is strongly preferred. As for VPE, it is unnatural in (1) and prefers a context of the type in (2).1. They’ve been rescuing companies for so long they do it automatically now, I expect. (AB9, ok: they do this/that/so automatically…)2. They’ve been rescuing companies for so long that whenever they do, it’s always a success.3. He closes his eyes when he speaks and I don’t trust anyone who does that. (…anyone who #does this/#it/#so)Based on a sample of annotated data from the British National corpus (BNC, Davies 2004-), our study will examine the factors driving the alternation between do it/this/that. Amongst others, VPA choice is influenced by register, the presence of an adjunct after the VPA, whether or not the antecedent has already been mentioned prior to the antecedent clause, and, to a lesser extent, the saliency of the antecedent and its presumed familiarity to the addressee. Do it typically refers to highly salient actions which are then further described by means of an adjunct. Do this, by contrast, denotes actions that have not been mentioned before the antecedent clause, and does not co-occur with adjuncts as often as do it. It also allows for much less salient antecedents. Do that typically occurs without an adjunct, and sometimes bears much resemblance to VPE in its usage.

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