The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the regulatory power, efficiency and impact of export control on Swedish arms export from the 1980s onwards, linked to the delegation of authority of permit license to the Inspectorate of Strategic Products in 1997. An increase in the administrative sector, based on a collective decision making process and established criteria and guidelines, aimed to strengthen the control of arms export to non-democratic and problematic states. In short, the aim of the study is to investigate and analyze whether there was a decrease in the arms export to problematic states or not. On one hand, it is reasonable to assume that the introduction of the new regulation entailed a more strict arms export policy. However, previous research has showed that regulations are sometimes not effective since incentives to breach these may be present. The study begins by examining the Swedish case and situation in terms of arms manufacturing and export, as well as the delegation of authority and legislation applied to the field over time. The general conclusion is that the legislature regulations and guidelines are vague in their design, as well as outdated, accompanied by the fact that new concepts, terms and classifications are introduced. The statistics are then approached by way of the analysis of the volume and composition of the trade and of the number and shares of problematic export in relation, based on the classifications of recipients regarding political freedoms and democratic rights. Finally, a correlation analysis is conducted and shares of problematic export is compared with the total arms export over time in order to interpret development. The results indicate that the delegation of authority regarding permit licensing to the Inspectorate of Strategic Products has not led to a decrease in the numbers of disputed shares. What is more, the study demonstrates that the delegation has led to a decrease in the responsibility concerning the arms export authority that can be correlated to the continuous high levels of disputed export, which might be approved. The existence of generic guidelines that are open to interpretation combined with an outdated set of legislature, plays a large role in this.

This thesis examines the evolution of international humanitarian concern culminating in adoption of a Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM) banning these weapons in May 2008. It is based on systematic analysis of official documents, extensive interviews, participant-observation, and several bodies of international relations (IR) theory. Part I explains the research methodology and discusses the theoretical context for the thesis. It is argued that several core assumptions of rationalist-materialist approaches to IR theory impede understanding of the CCM's emergence, and thus the thesis adopts an interpretivist framework. The four chapters of Part II analyse international efforts on cluster munitions including prior, failed attempts to restrict cluster munitions, the emergence of an international campaign from 2003, ensuing activity involving states, international organisations and civil society, and the CCM's eventual negotiation involving more than 100 states. Part III marries this empirical account to theoretical analysis of four thesis propositions. It is concluded that non-state actor-engendered processes of evidence collection and analysis, learning and frame alignment were central to the Oslo process's emergence. The Oslo Declaration's particular humanitarian framing (to ban cluster munitions causing unacceptable harm to civilians) and the structure of the subsequent 'define-and-ban' discourse permitted convergence between states over prohibiting these weapons. Nevertheless, they contain implications for other international efforts aimed at controlling means of armed violence.

Even with the end of the Cold War, the question, Were the United States and the Soviet Union engaged in an action-reaction arms race? remains important and controversial. The bulk of empirical mathematical arms race research suggests that the US and USSR were not so engaged. Indeed, most such research into the matter suggests that US arms acquisitions were driven overwhelmingly by internal or domestic forces, as were Soviet arms acquisitions. Given the longstanding political, economic and military rivalry, between the US and USSR, the finding that they were not engaged in an arms race is perplexing. This is particularly so with respect to nuclear weapons acquisitions. Orthodox nuclear deterrence theory clearly posits that the attempt by each side to maintain a balance of nuclear forces with the other and hence deter the other from launching a first-strike should result in an action-reaction nuclear arms race. Why, then, does the overwhelming mass of quantitative research suggest that the opposite was true, in practice, in the US-Soviet case? The problem, in part, has been that researchers have been using underspecified mathematical models of action-reaction arms race interaction. The most famous of these models is Richardson’s 1960 action-reaction model. Researchers have long been aware that Richardson’s model is underspecified and as such that it may not be capable of revealing the true nature of US-Soviet military interaction. Since the late 1960s, arms race researchers have attempted to move beyond Richardson’s simple arms race specification. Several new approaches to arms race analysis have subsequently emerged: the game theoretic approach, the economic (stock adjustment) approach, and the expectations (adaptive, extrapolative, and rational) approach. Taken individually, neither of these approaches has, however, yielded much fruit. In this dissertation, the game, stock adjustment, and rational expectations approaches were combined for the first time into a single, more comprehensive, analytical approach and a new action-reaction arms race model was derived, which we have named the GSR Model. In addition, it was argued that a new approach was needed for testing arms race models. Arms races are generally seen as competitions of total armed versus total armed might. Arms race models have, accordingly, been tested against data on states’ annual military expenditures. We argued instead that an arms race is made of several subraces, the object of each subrace being a specific weapons system and a specific counter weapons system, deployed by an opponent and designed to thwart the former’s political and military effect. Models should, then, be tested for each subrace in a given arms race, that is, against data on weapons system-counter weapons system deployment levels. Time frames for the analysis of a given weapons system-counter weapons system competition should be set to accord with the period in which those systems were dominant in the military calculations of the competing states. In effect, we have specified an alternative approach to mathematical arms race analysis, the micro approach to mathematical arms race analysis. The GSR Model was tested against data on annual US and Soviet strategic nuclear warhead deployment levels, — specifically, those onboard ICBMs (1960-71) and submarines (1972-87). The GSR model was also tested against annual US-Soviet aggregate strategic nuclear warhead deployment data (ICBM, SLBM and bomber based totals), 1967-84. Estimates of the GSR model suggest that the US and USSR were in fact engaged in an action-reaction arms race over submarine launched nuclear warheads. Regression analysis also indicates that the US and USSR strongly interacted, asymmetrically, over ICBM based nuclear warheads. There appears to have been no interaction over aggregate warhead deployments. Finally, the implications of these findings for the maintenance of a stable nuclear deterrent were discussed.

This work considers the strategic value of the 1935 London Naval Conference to the United States Navy and the American Government. It addresses longstanding historiographical debates on interwar American foreign policy, including the nature of isolationism under the Roosevelt Administration, the degree of Anglo-American cooperation in the 1930s, and the strategic vision of the United States Navy in the Pacific in the interwar period. Taking into account in equal degrees the perspectives of the uniformed naval officers and the civilian diplomats in the State Department, this thesis will argue that American participation in the 1935 London Naval Conference shows a degree of international participation and a commitment to the international order that is often overlooked by historians in this field.

Didesnių ir konkrečių darbų apie Nagurskių, ypatingai Gorskių heraldiką yra mažai arba visiškai nėra, nors heraldikos šaltinių randama nemažai. Būtina pažymėti, kad šiame darbe siekiama nustatyti herbų, antspaudų priklausymą konkrečiam asmeniui, giminei, bei vedybinius arba giminystės ryšius, užimamas pareigas, gautus apdovanojimus. Šie nauji tyrimai ir jų rezultatai galėtų praplėsti žinias apie bajorų Gorskių ir Nagurskių gimines. Darbe siekiama išanalizuoti ir atskleisti Žemaitijos bajorų Nagurskių ir Gorskių heraldikos raidą nuo XVII a. iki XIX a. Atliekant tyrimą naudojami šių giminių XVIII – XIX a. herbiniai atspaudai ir ikonografinė medžiaga, kurioje pavaizduoti jų herbai. Būtina pažymėti, kad Lenkijos išeiviai bajorai Nagurskiai ir Gorskiai į Žemaitiją atvyko XVI a. Čia pradėjo kurtis, plėsti savo valdas ir giminiuotis su šio krašto giminėmis. Darbe aptartas heraldikos tradicijų susiformavimas LDK ir Žemaitijos kunigaikštystėje. Išanalizuota Nagurskių bei Gorskių Nalenčo (Nalęcz) herbų atsiradimas, raida ir naudojimas. Nagurskių herbas siejamas su lenkiškuoju Pobogo herbu, bei laikomas jo atmaina. Nagurskių herbe vaizduojama pasaga iš vidaus perverta strėle, šalme trys povo plunksnos. Gorskių giminės Nalenčo (Nalęcz) herbe vaizduojama surišta baltos spalvos skara. Herbo šalme tarp ragų pavaizduota moteris, vienoje rankoje laikanti vieną ragą, o kitoje rankoje kitą. Moters galva perrišta skarele. Šių šeimų herbai ir herbiniai antspaudai buvo puošiami įvairiais... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / There are few or even no greater and particular works about the heraldry of Nagurskiai, especially Gorskiai, although sources of heraldry can be found. The work seeks to determine both the belonging of coats of arms, seals to a particular person, family and marital relations, kinship, occupied positions, received awards. This new research and its results could broaden knowledge about relatives of the noblemen Gorskiai and Nagurskiai. The aim of the work is to analyze and reveal the development of the heraldry of the noblemen Nagurskiai and Gorskiai from the 17th century till the 19th century. Performing the research, their armorial seals and iconographic material of the 18th-19th centuries which show their coats of arms are used. It should be noted that emigrants from Poland, noblemen Nagurskiai and Gorskiai, arrived in Žemaitija in the 16th century. They began to settle, expand their possessions and relate to people of that region. The formation of the heraldry traditions in Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Duchy of Žemaitija has been discussed in the work. The origin, development and use of coats of arms which belonged to Gorskiai and Nagurskiai have been analyzed. The coat of arms of Nagurskiai is related to Polish Pobogo coat of arms and is treated as its equivalent. The coat of arms of Nagurskiai shows a horseshoe which is pierced by an arrow, there are three plumes of the pavonine in the helmet. Nalenčo coat of arms belonging to Gorskiai shows a white shawl. The helmet... [to full text]

The objective of this thesis is to determine why Canada, a state that pioneered nuclear technology, and that faced, throughout the Cold War, the Soviet threat to its national security, consistently rejected any opportunity to convert its latent nuclear capability into an indigenous nuclear weapons program. The answer to this research question must address a number of explicit contradictions in Canadian foreign policy. While Canada has, on the one hand, rejected the bomb, it has, on the other hand, pursued defence and industrial policies based upon intimate involvement with nuclear weapons. Moreover, Canada espouses, on the one hand, a clearly realpolitik view of international relations, while, on the other hand, committing to forging for itself a role as an international peace broker. It becomes, therefore, unclear which theory of international relations could adequately explain this dualism in Canadian policy formulation. This thesis argues that power and self-interest are not separable from Canada's decision to reject the bomb, and that by modifying certain precepts of realist theory, we may substantiate the hypotheses that two disincentives to proliferation are at the root of Canada's policies: first, Canada's political and geographical proximity to the United States and thus a credible U.S. nuclear umbrella; and second, prestige, where Canada interpreted both the rejection of its nuclear option and its internationalist policies as a sign of independence vis-a-vis the United States.

<p>The paper focuses specifically on the South African Military Aerospace Industry as most of the weapons procured under the arms deal were military aircraft. Taking into account the numerous social needs of South Africa, the purpose of this paper is to inter alia try to establish the rationale behind the South African government's decision to to purchase an array of military weapons from foreign suppliers at an initial cost of almost thirty billion rand. In order to gain a better undrstanding of the topic, the author gives a brief overview and history of the South African Aerospace industry.Furthermore, an examination of the politics of the transition from apartheid to democracy and how this affected the aeropace industry is given.</p>

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for a Master's Degree in Technology: Business Administration, Durban University of Technology, 2008. / The purpose of this research is to compare the firearm legislation between South Africa and selected countries and to determine if multiple firearm owners and firearm dealers are affected in terms of economics, and changes to their business environment by the new Firearms Act, 60 of 2000.The sub-objectives of this study are as follows: - To compare firearm regulations between countries that were affected by access to firearms and deaths as a result thereof; - To evaluate the economic effect of the legislation on a firearm dealer/dedicated hunter/dedicated sportsman/collector of firearms; - To evaluate the economic effect of the restrictions on the number of firearms an owner may legally possess; - To evaluate the economic impact of the cost involved for re-licensing a firearm; - To establish how the firearm business environment is affected according to the political, economic, social, technological and ecological influences on business strategies. The research does not include firearm owners with hand weapons or individuals with fewer than four firearms. It also excludes South African Police Service and South African Defence Force weapons, as these are not usually provided to the public. The aim of this research is to establish if there is an effect on the dealers and hunters in the firearm industry in South Africa with the advent of the Firearms Control Act 60 of 2000. The world trend changed firearm legislation world-wide and South Africa followed. In the following chapter the global and South African issue is discussed with some of the arguments on why the firearm legislation had to change.

武器出口與外交政策: 以德國為例 / Informed by realist and liberalist theory, conditions for a logical relationship between arms exports and the relative importance of foreign policy goals are evaluated as part of a case study of Germany’s arms export behavior to three Middle Eastern states. Apparent contradictions between foreign policy goals are resolved, using only data of arms export behavior and constructing a gradient of importance of different policy goals, some consistent with realist predictions, some consistent with liberal predictions. Overall, no theoretical framework describes German government behavior to a degree of being able to make reliable predictions for future action. Therefore usage of empirical data including actions with significant political ramifications, such as arms export behavior, is highly suggested for future research on German foreign policy instead.

Despite the fact that many countries participated in the Vietnam War, their war stories tend to marginalize one another. In this study, I use a transnationalist critical lens to compare the ethnocentric stories of the U.S. and South Korea. Instead of presenting transnationalism as a focus on the changes that arise through travel between different cultures, I rely on another meaning of transnationalism as a form of consciousness. In order to compare differing perspectives on the Vietnam War as represented in the U.S. and South Korea, I compare Tim O’Brien’s In the Lake of the Woods and Suk-Yong Hwang’s The Shadow of Arms, based on the writing style of the texts, the shared theme of friendly fire, and representation of the My Lai massacre. As a result, this comparison challenges readers in each nation to recognize perspectives on the Vietnam War which they may have missed.