ABSTRACT This thesis explores the R. v. Gladue (1999) decision and whether it is applicable to federal corrections and parole release. I outline a Cree relational approach—wahkotowin—that can be employed as a Gladue method of analysis to help us understand Cree history through a kinship relational lens. In Chapter 1, I share an overview of the teachings of wahkotowin, as taught by knowledge keeper and respected author Maria Campbell. With the help of her circle teachings diagrams, I outline our relationships and obligations to one another. I also outline the shattering of wahkotowin through imposed colonial and present-day policies, programs, and legislation, and the resulting inherited intergenerational trauma. Chapter 2 locates my personal story, exploring family and community history, and its connection with First Nations and Métis history on the prairies. Chapter 3 reviews the Supreme Court of Canada’s R. v. Gladue and R. v. Ipeelee (2012) decisions, the duty to properly consider the unique social history of Aboriginal peoples, and the applicability of Gladue to section 84 of the Corrections and Conditional Release Act. Chapter 4 outlines the qualitative data, including interviews with legal experts working with Aboriginal Legal Services of Toronto and the Gladue Court. The data explore best practices of interviewing, researching, and report writing necessary for obtaining Gladue evidence. In Chapter 5, I propose a Gladue-through-wahkotowin approach that explores how Gladue’s duty to consider social history evidence can be expanded to all phases of the criminal justice system, from sentencing to parole release, and can include a Cree relationship-based way of interviewing an offender, carrying out in-depth family and community interviews, attaining oral and documentary historical research, and applying a broad Indigenous approach to interviewing and the writing of Gladue Reports.

This thesis will explore how the Supreme Court of Canada understands and frames the religious ways of the Gitksan and Wet’suwet’en First Nations peoples, in the case Delgamuukw v. British Columbia (1997). The case started as a land claims case but at the Supreme Court level it became about whether Aboriginal oral knowledge could be used as historical evidence in a Canadian court of law, in particular for this dispute, as an aid for First Nations peoples to establish title to their traditional territories. The Court decided that Aboriginal oral knowledge could be used as evidence. This thesis does five things: 1. It examines some of the tools that can be used to examine and evaluate how the religious ways of Aboriginal peoples are discussed in law in Canada. Here it focuses on using a broad understanding of religion as “lived” to understand religion. It also establishes a social-scientific method of discourse analysis, drawn from a number of sources, to evaluate legal documents. 2. This thesis explores the socio-legal context in Canada in which Aboriginal peoples and their claims need to be understood. Here the presence of European and Christian views that are still present in society and social institutions in Canada and the way they affect how Aboriginal religious ways are understood is determined. The characteristics of law that make it difficult for Aboriginal claims to be understood and handled adequately in court in Canada are also investigated. 3. The third aspect that this thesis focuses on the markers of the religious ways of Aboriginal peoples in the Delgamuukw case and how are they understood in the Canadian socio-legal context. Here there is discussion of oral knowledge, land, crests, feasting and totem poles and what each might mean for the Gitksan and Wet’suwet’en peoples and how the legal system might have trouble handling them. 4. Analysis of the Delgamuukw case is the fourth part of this thesis. How the law understands and frames the religious ways of the Gitksan and Wet’suwet’en peoples in the Delgamuukw case are investigated. It is determined that the Court downplayed the religious ways of Aboriginal peoples (by “writing out”, by using vague language to refer to it or by not mentioning it at all); it did not do justice to Aboriginal beliefs by labeling oral knowledge as “sacred”; the Delgamuukw decision fell short of really treating oral knowledge as equal to other forms of historical evidence by excluding oral knowledge with religious content; legal adjudicators made pronouncements on the religious uses of land for the Gitksan and Wet’suwet’en and finally; land was quantified, regulated and title was diminished by the ability for the court to infringe on it. What these actions by the Court suggested about how it understands religion and the religious ways of Aboriginal peoples where also contemplated. It was noted that the law characterized issues and used language in particular ways to avoid discussing religion, to discount it as evidence, and used a Christian understanding of religion to comprehend Aboriginal religious ways, which did not do justice to their beliefs. 5. The last part of this thesis questions whether there other ways in which the law, and the majority of non-Aboriginal peoples in Canada, could come to better understand and handle the religious ways of Aboriginal peoples than they did in the Delgamuukw case. It determines that there are a number of indications that suggest that this is possible including, the unique historical situation of Canada, the teaching and communication skills present in many Aboriginal communities, the space opened surrounding the inclusion of oral knowledge as evidence in law, increasing dialogue with Aboriginal communities, and the current revaluation of history. Nevertheless, there is also an ambivalence on behalf of the law regarding whether or not it will go in the direction that could view Aboriginal religious ways in alternative ways which could result in a better understanding these ways on their own terms. The thesis concludes that according to analysis of the Delgamuukw case, law has difficulty understanding and handling the religious ways of Aboriginal peoples in Canada.

No description available.

À partir des années 1960, avec l’apparition d’un « nous » québécois territorialement défini, intellectuels et groupes de pression se mettent à construire le « problème » de la sous-représentation des autochtones dans l’enseignement de l’histoire nationale à l’école au Québec. Nous comparons la place de ce « problème » à l’agenda des concepteurs des deux derniers programmes d’enseignement de l’histoire nationale à l’école secondaire au Québec : Histoire du Québec et du Canada (1982-2008) et Histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté (2007/2008-). Nous montrons que ce « problème » n’a été inscrit avec proéminence qu’à l’agenda des concepteurs du nouveau programme. Comment expliquer cette différence entre l’agenda des concepteurs de ces deux programmes? En se basant sur l’approche des courants multiples développé par John Kingdon, nous montrons qu’à partir des années 1990, tous les éléments étaient réunis pour favoriser la mise à l’agenda de ce « problème » - courant des problèmes, courant des solutions, courant de la politique, entrepreneur politique et fenêtre d’opportunité. Par contraste, nous arguons qu’à la fin des années 1970, un élément manquait : le courant de la politique, et en particulier le « national mood ». Pour rendre ce concept moins a-historique, nous déclinons le « national mood » en trois niveaux hiérarchiques de croyances, selon la typologie de Sabatier et Jenkins-Smith (1993). Nous montrons qu’il y a eu un changement au niveau des croyances les plus fondamentales et inaltérables des élites intellectuelles et politiques québécoises entre la fin des années 1970 et les années 1990 consistant à reconnaître les peuples autochtones. / With the emergence of a territorially-based Quebec identity in the 1960s intellectuals and pressure groups began to construct the “problem” of aboriginal under-representation in Quebec’s national history program. We compare the importance of this “problem” on the agenda of the designers of the last two high school national history teaching programs in Quebec: History of Quebec and Canada (1982-2008) and History and Education Citizenship (2007/2008-). We show that this “problem” only gained prominence on the agenda of the second program’s designers. To explain this difference between the agenda of the two programs’ designers, we use John Kingdon’s Multiple Streams approach. We show that in the 1990s and 2000s, all the elements favouring the agenda setting of this “problem” were present: the problem stream, the policy stream, the politics stream, the political entrepreneur and the policy window. In contrast, we argue that in the late 1970s, one element was missing: the politics stream, more specifically the national mood. To make the concept of national mood less a-historical, we use Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith’s typology (1993) and distinguish three levels of beliefs constitutive of the national mood. We assert that a change occurred at the deepest and most unalterable level of beliefs held by Quebec’s intellectual and political élite between the late 1970s and the 1990s in favour of the recognition of aboriginal peoples.

L’objectif du présent mémoire est double. D’une part, il cherche à identifier les facteurs qui permettent au gouvernement canadien et aux peuples autochtones de s’entendre sur des politiques publiques, malgré la persistance d’une logique coloniale. Nous verrons que l’atteinte d’une entente est conditionnelle à la légitimité du processus d’élaboration de la politique publique d’un point de vue autochtone. D’autre part, ce travail invite à penser le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination. Étant donné la malléabilité des règles qui encadrent l’élaboration des politiques publiques en contexte canadien, le gouvernement – s’il en a la volonté - peut modeler le processus d’élaboration de façon à le rendre plus égalitaire et donc plus légitime d’un point de vue autochtone. Il sera démontré que, dans une optique de changements progressifs, un tel processus d’élaboration peut permettre aux peuples autochtones de regagner une certaine autonomie décisionnelle et ainsi atténuer les rapports de pouvoir inégalitaires. Notre cadre théorique a été construit à l’aide de différents courants analytiques, issus notamment des littératures sur le colonialisme, sur les politiques publiques et sur la légitimité. La comparaison de deux études de cas, soit les processus d’élaboration de l’Accord de Kelowna et du projet de loi C-33, Loi sur le contrôle par les Premières Nations de leur système d’éducation, permettra d’illustrer nos arguments et d’en démontrer l’applicabilité pratique. En somme, nous verrons comment la première étude de cas permet de concevoir l’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination, et comment la deuxième, au contraire, démontre que cette sphère peut encore en être une d’oppression. / The purpose of this thesis is twofold. First, it seeks to identify factors that enable the federal government and Aboriginal peoples to agree on public policies despite the persistence of settler colonialism. It demonstrates that such an agreement is conditional upon the legitimacy, from an Aboriginal perspective, of the policy-making process. Second, this thesis uses a pragmatic approach to call for a reflection on the capacity for policy-making processes to become a space for Aboriginal self-determination. Given the flexibility of current rules that govern the policy-making process in Canada, a government – if it has the will - can shape the process in a more egalitarian fashion, thus increasing the process’s legitimacy from an Aboriginal viewpoint. In a perspective of incremental change, such policy-making process could help Aboriginal people regain some decisional autonomy and hence mitigate the unequal power relationship that actually exists between them and the Canadian state. Building on a theoretical framework that blends different approaches, notably from literatures on public policy, colonialism and legitimacy, this thesis explores two case studies : the policy-making process that led to the Kelowna Accord in 2005 and the one that led to Bill C-33, First Nations Control of First Nations Education Act, in 2014. The comparison of both cases illustrates our arguments and demonstrates its practical applicability. In brief, it shows how the policy-making process can be both a self-determination space and a tool of oppression.

À partir des années 1960, avec l’apparition d’un « nous » québécois territorialement défini, intellectuels et groupes de pression se mettent à construire le « problème » de la sous-représentation des autochtones dans l’enseignement de l’histoire nationale à l’école au Québec. Nous comparons la place de ce « problème » à l’agenda des concepteurs des deux derniers programmes d’enseignement de l’histoire nationale à l’école secondaire au Québec : Histoire du Québec et du Canada (1982-2008) et Histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté (2007/2008-). Nous montrons que ce « problème » n’a été inscrit avec proéminence qu’à l’agenda des concepteurs du nouveau programme. Comment expliquer cette différence entre l’agenda des concepteurs de ces deux programmes? En se basant sur l’approche des courants multiples développé par John Kingdon, nous montrons qu’à partir des années 1990, tous les éléments étaient réunis pour favoriser la mise à l’agenda de ce « problème » - courant des problèmes, courant des solutions, courant de la politique, entrepreneur politique et fenêtre d’opportunité. Par contraste, nous arguons qu’à la fin des années 1970, un élément manquait : le courant de la politique, et en particulier le « national mood ». Pour rendre ce concept moins a-historique, nous déclinons le « national mood » en trois niveaux hiérarchiques de croyances, selon la typologie de Sabatier et Jenkins-Smith (1993). Nous montrons qu’il y a eu un changement au niveau des croyances les plus fondamentales et inaltérables des élites intellectuelles et politiques québécoises entre la fin des années 1970 et les années 1990 consistant à reconnaître les peuples autochtones. / With the emergence of a territorially-based Quebec identity in the 1960s intellectuals and pressure groups began to construct the “problem” of aboriginal under-representation in Quebec’s national history program. We compare the importance of this “problem” on the agenda of the designers of the last two high school national history teaching programs in Quebec: History of Quebec and Canada (1982-2008) and History and Education Citizenship (2007/2008-). We show that this “problem” only gained prominence on the agenda of the second program’s designers. To explain this difference between the agenda of the two programs’ designers, we use John Kingdon’s Multiple Streams approach. We show that in the 1990s and 2000s, all the elements favouring the agenda setting of this “problem” were present: the problem stream, the policy stream, the politics stream, the political entrepreneur and the policy window. In contrast, we argue that in the late 1970s, one element was missing: the politics stream, more specifically the national mood. To make the concept of national mood less a-historical, we use Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith’s typology (1993) and distinguish three levels of beliefs constitutive of the national mood. We assert that a change occurred at the deepest and most unalterable level of beliefs held by Quebec’s intellectual and political élite between the late 1970s and the 1990s in favour of the recognition of aboriginal peoples.

Indigenous and settler relations have been negotiated, and continue to be negotiated in various forms across Canada. This thesis begins from the continued assertions of treaty Elders that the historic Treaty relationships are valid in the form that they were mutually agreed upon and accepted at the time of negotiation. From this assertion, this thesis asks how this mutually agreed upon understanding of Treaty can be understood. In particular, the holistic approach to reading historic treaty draws on the oral history and first hand accounts to provide an understanding of the context and content of treaty. The holistic approach is then applied to Treaty 6 in Alberta and Saskatchewan, as well as the contemporary Treaty process in British Columbia. This provides a critical analysis of the continued negotiation of the relationship between Indigenous Peoples and Settlers, both regarding how historic treaties are understood in Canada, and how contemporary treaty relations continue to be negotiated.

In its relatively unchanged form and effective for nearly 140 years the Indian Act of 1876 is the basic law governing the rights and responsibilities of First Nations and their status within Canada. The law protects the special status of Indigenous groups in Canadian society albeit it has been criticized as discriminatory. Voices calling for change of the legislation are growing stronger with the deepening socio-economic problems of Aboriginal peoples. First Nations primarily require the assertion of their constitutional right to self-determination in any future reform. In contrast, the current Conservative government of Stephen Harper emphasizes self- sufficiency and financial responsibility of Native peoples. Legislative actions that Conservatives rarely consult with representatives of the Indigenous peoples themselves correspond to the general priorities of the Harper Government based on the principles of market economy and do not reflect the demands for self-determination and self-government of Indigenous communities. The Idle No More protest movement founded in 2012 in reaction to some of Harper's laws pertaining to Aboriginal peoples fights for their rights and environmental protection inextricably linked with their identity. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze different perspectives on...

本論文企圖回答四個問題，分別是： 1. 加拿大原住民教育的主體：原住民的認同、定義、類別、法定地位為何？ 2. 原住民自治體制與自治體制下的政府關係為何？ 3. 加拿大原住民的教育政策為何？加拿大原住民自治體制與教育政策的關係為何？ 4. 原住民教育與多元文化主義關係為何？ 根據這四個問題，來進行章節的鋪陳： 第一章為政策的主體，加拿大原住民的定義，本論文嘗試從政治層次與憲法層次來討論加拿大民的地位、類別、位階與認同；並簡述加拿大原住民的教育概況。在研究中，我們發現，加拿大原住民的定義，不是來自文化、生態的因素，而是因為歷史與政治背景使然，1982年的加拿大憲法，正式承認了北美印地安人、梅蒂斯人與因紐特人為加拿大原住民，並且承認原住民的「現有權利」（existing rights），讓加拿大原住民成為有別於為加拿大其他「少數族裔」人口的一個「顯著的社會」（distinctive society），但是憲法的承認緊接而來的不是嚴謹的識別工作，所以關於身份問題，還有許多爭議，旋而未決。 第二章對第二章主要討論加拿大原住民自治的發展與規劃，並以尼斯加自治政府、努納弗特自治領地與梅蒂斯墾殖地議會等有土地基礎的原住民自治政府為例，來討論加拿大原住民自治的實踐。加拿大原住民自治政策的發展以及自治體制的規劃非常分歧，沒有辦法用統一的原則來描述。這種多元發展的現象來自於多元分歧的背景因素，有歷史上的民族關係，有身份識別的因素、有政府管轄權的爭議、原住民的人口、居住與地理特性、也有原住民的偏好與政府的協商底線規範。 第三章討論加拿大原住民教育的演進與趨勢。筆者在這一章試圖以較宏觀的角度來檢視加拿大原住民教育的發展，可以從政策制訂的背景、政策論辯的參與者、以及關鍵議題三個方向，來找出加拿大原住民教育的政策發展脈絡與階段特色。關於加拿大原住民教育的演進，約可以分為1996年的「RCAP報告書」為界，筆者將1996年之前的原住民教育分為四個階段，分別是同化教育（1867-1967）時期、整合政策、多元文化教育與印地安教育（1967-1982）時期、原住民教育的肇端（1982-1988）以及自治體制下的原住民教育（1988-1996）。第二節的重點則在於詳細討論1996年加拿大皇家原住民委員會(RCAP)原住民報告書關於原住民教育所提出來的建議與政策規劃。皇家原住民委員會關於原住民的報告書，宣告了加拿大政府與原住民之間新的關係的開展。筆者結合Frank Abele的觀點，發現加拿大原住民教育有下列趨勢： 1. 在原住民教育政策的層級上，逐漸由地方、省的層次上升到與國家對等的自治層次然而，原住民教育在國家層次所獲得的關注與討論並未如省的層次來得熱烈。 2. 在論述模式上，逐漸由同化論述模式轉向原住民自治的權利基礎與責任之模式，與公共政策論述之模式。 3. 在原住民教育的對象上，逐漸由部分「印地安人」（有身份的印地安人），轉向集體單位、泛稱性的原住民，乃至不同族裔屬性的原住民族。 4. 在原住民教育的層級上，關注的焦點逐漸由初等、中等教育轉向高等教育人才的培育，企圖以一種整體性（holistic）的觀點與策略來解決原住民教育問題。 5. 在教育目的上，從對同化教育的的反抗，到以文化純續為目的，發展至更積極的觀點，企圖透過教育，來彌補其與主流社會的落差、強化原住民的文化活力與創意，進一步培養自治的人才，可以說是一種以自治為目的（education for self-government）的教育政策。 6. 原住民教育與多元文化主義的關係，遠較Frank Abele所指稱的要複雜，原住民教育政策在理念上，曾採借多元文化主義關於人性尊嚴、人權與平等權的概念，但是在國家政策的場域，卻出現相互扞格、衝突的情形。 7. 在教育系統上，原住民歷經了由聯邦政府主導的「同化-隔離」系統、到進入與主流族群教育體系的「整合系統」、到目前要求與主流族群分立、由原住民主控教育內容、評鑑標準以及行政事務的「獨立系統」。 第四章是針對自治體制下的原住民教育，所做的案例分析。我們舉尼斯加自治政府的社學校委員會以及努納弗特自治領地的官方語言教育計畫為例，說明不同的自治政府體制、規模與民族屬性下的教育政策規劃。 第五章針對下列四個議題，討論加拿大原住民自治體制與教育政策面臨的挑戰： 1. 身份定義問題：自治的構成原速與教育政策的主體問題。 2. 管轄權議題：自治管轄權、教育管轄權、與教育實務之間的關係。 3. 理論基礎的衝突：多元文化主義與原住民主義的爭論。 4. 實務問題：原住民團體的需求差異與經費來源的問題 在結論部分，我們對本文重點作一個回顧，並根據自治體系的政府關係、自治與原住民教育、自治設計與教育系統的開放性提出筆者的看法與建議，分列如下： 1. 台灣應重新省思「Nation to Nation」的實質關係，務實面對自治議題。 2. 觀察加拿大原住民自治與教育政策，不能忽略多元文化主義、多元文化教育與原住民主義、原住民教育的衝突現象。 3. 台灣應著手進行符合社會現實，務實、開放、有效的自治規劃與教育規劃，而非理論的空談或國外政策的仿效。

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