The overall aim of this thesis was to examine the adoption of emergency contraceptive pills (ECP) in Sweden. Two cross-sectional surveys and two quasi-experimental studies were used. Reasons for induced abortion, contraceptive practices and contraceptive failure were examined in a group of abortion applicants with a waiting-room questionnaire (I) and knowledge, use and practices of ECP were assessed with a postal questionnaire in a population-based sample of young women (II). One community-based information campaign was evaluated with a repeated postal questionnaire (III) and a school-based education intervention was evaluated with repeated class-room questionnaires (IV). Abortion applicants had inadequate contraceptive practices and a low use of ECP. One year after the deregulation of ECP women were highly aware of the method and preferred the pharmacy for the purchase of ECP. Correct knowledge and positive attitudes influenced the willingness to use ECP in the future. The information campaign was noticed by two-thirds of the women and there was an overall trend towards better knowledge, improved attitudes and increased use among all women at follow-up. The school-based intervention improved the students’ knowledge of, and attitudes to, ECP without jeopardizing condom use. The adoption of ECP in Sweden seems to have gone through the first stages of diffusion of an innovation, i.e., developement, dissemination, and adoption, and has reached the stage of implementation since the studies indicated a general awareness of more than 90%, an intention to use in case of need of more than 70%, and womens’ own experience of use of around 30%. The most cited information channels were media, friends and the local Youth Clinic. ECP is gradually becoming a more widely known, accepted and used contraceptive method in Sweden, but must be considered as being only one of many tools in the prevention of unintended pregnancies.

Thesis (Dr. P.H.)--University of Texas Health Science Center at Houston, School of Public Health, 2001. / Supervisor: Beth E. Quill. Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 62-09, Section: B, page: 3993. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 139-146).

Background The Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act (CTOPA) No 92 of 1996 replaced the Abortion and Sterilization Act of 1975. It promotes reproductive rights and the choice on termination of pregnancy. It aims to reduce deaths resulting from illegal abortions. It designates District Hospitals and Community Health Centres to render Termination of Pregnancy (TOP). In the Free State there are 24 District Hospitals and ten Community Health Centres. Currently nine render TOP. None are in Xhariep District. Aim of the study The study investigated barriers to the implementation of the CTOPA in Xhariep District among doctors, nurses and managers in District Hospitals. Methodology It was descriptive in nature, and was divided into the quantitative and qualitative parts. The quantitative part targeted doctors and nurses, while thelatter targeted management. The response rate was 95%. Findings The findings are summarised below:-  Ninety five per cent of the respondents were nurses.  Infrastructural and human resource deficiencies are a barrier to the implementation of the act.  There are insufficient budgets to procure equipment, consumables and pharmaceuticals to render the service.  Training on reproductive health and TOP is not sufficient, except for family planning.  There is stigma towards TOP from the community, and peers. Its origin is religion and culture.  There is no psychosocial and management support for those willing to participate in TOP.  Respondents are willing to refer patients for TOP, and believe that women are entitled to choose whether to terminate unwanted pregnancies or not.  There are no incentives to for those willing to implement the Act, nor provincial support to the Districts. Recommendations  Train staff on reproductive health and TOP.  Hold management accountable by including TOP and the reproductive health package in their performance agreements.  Negotiate incentives for those willing to implement TOP, and recogniseTOP as a speciality in line with the Occupation Specific Dispensation.  Provide infrastructure and equipment for the implementation of TOP.  Develop a recruitment and retention strategy for professionals. The policy on community service for health professionals is a case in point.  Resource the District Health System as a vehicle for Primary Health Care Services. / Thesis (M.Med.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, [2010?].

Submitted by Rangel Sousa Jamile Kelly (jamile.kelly@ufba.br) on 2017-07-14T20:19:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Final 25 out. 2016.pdf: 1306304 bytes, checksum: 741ec73f49322bb60d63147bdf7e2065 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-07-28T12:58:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Final 25 out. 2016.pdf: 1306304 bytes, checksum: 741ec73f49322bb60d63147bdf7e2065 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-28T12:58:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Final 25 out. 2016.pdf: 1306304 bytes, checksum: 741ec73f49322bb60d63147bdf7e2065 (MD5) / CAPES, CNPq / Este trabalho busca reconstituir fatos da história recente dos movimentos feministas brasileiros dentro do leque mais ampliado dos movimentos sociais surgidos a partir das décadas de 1960/1970 e pela forma como conflitos instaurados e absorções de demandas se estabelecem na relação com o Estado a partir da instituição de mecanismos de participação e da instalação de instâncias governamentais voltadas para a implementação de políticas públicas para as mulheres. Realizado através de pesquisa documental e de entrevistas, está circunscrito ao debate em torno da revisão da legislação que criminaliza a prática do aborto no Brasil. A delimitação temporal desta pesquisa corresponde aos períodos anteriores e imediatamente posteriores às I e II Conferências Nacionais de Políticas para as Mulheres (primeiro e segundo mandatos Lula). Trata, também, de outra iniciativa que aconteceu de forma paralela: a instauração de um debate no Supremo Tribunal Federal sobre a aprovação de um permissivo para os casos de anencefalia, aprofundando sobre as diversas táticas desenvolvidas para a ampliação da legislação existente desde 1940. / This work seeks to reconstitute facts of the recent history of Brazilian feminist movements, within the broader group of social movements that have emerged starting in the nineteen sixties and seventies and by the way in which established conflicts and absorption of demands are established in the relationship with the States, starting from the institution of participation mechanisms and the implementation of government bodies that aimed to put in motion public policies for women. Made through documental research and interview, this work circumscribes the debate around reviewing the legislation that criminalizes abortion in Brazil. The time delimitation of this research corresponds to the periods before and immediately after the First and Second National Conferences of Policies for Women (during Lula´s first and second terms). This work is also about another initiative that has happened at the same time: the establishment of a debate in the Supreme Federal Court regarding the approval of a permissive for cases of anencephaly, furthering the work on several tactics developed to broaden the legislation that exists since 1940.

The thesis deals with the issue of spontaneous abortion as well as induced termination of pregnancy and its potential negative impacts on woman's mental and physical health. The theoretical part summarizes the findings about particular kinds of pregnancy loss and defines the possibilities of psychological adaptation to this loss. The author paid the close attention to Post-abortion syndrome (PAS), which is regarded as a special form of Post- Traumatic Stress Disorder. The thesis is further focused on the emotional, social, psychological and physical effects following abortion, the most threatened group of women with a higher probability of having PAS and finally the way of medical treatment. In the empirical part, the main symptoms of PAS were detected by means of the Helpline database analysis. Detection of these syndromes enabled to compile the questionnaire related to pregnancy loss. The main task was to discover the perceived changes in a woman's life after the pregnancy loss. In the final part of the work, the questionnaire regarding pregnancy loss had been tested and finally the main benefits together with limits had been critically evaluated.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-22T20:50:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-03-25 / Por ser uma prática criminosa, o aborto provocado acaba sendo realizado clandestinamente tornando-se um grave problema de Saúde Pública. O objetivo deste estudo foi o de estimar a prevalência de mulheres em idade fértil com histórico de aborto. O estudo é transversal, resultante de uma amostra aleatória de mulheres 15 a 49 anos-, residentes no subdistrito da Vila Mariana, 2006. Os dados foram coletados mediante aplicação de questionários. Foi considerada como variável dependente classificação da mulher quanto ao aborto: sem aborto, aborto espontâneo e aborto provocado; e independentes: idade, defasagem do número ideal de filhos, atividade remunerada, escolaridade, estado civil, uso de contraceptivos e opinião sobre o aborto provocado. Para análises foram utilizados testes de qui-quadrado e modelos de regressão logística multinomial policotômica. Dentre o total de mulheres entrevistadas (n=1121), 84,4% (n=946) são de mulheres sem histórico de aborto; 11,2% (n=126) são de mulheres com histórico de aborto espontâneo e, 4,4% (n=49) são de mulheres com histórico de aborto provocado. A razão de chances de ter realizado aborto provocado sobre a sem aborto é 6,33 vezes maior (p0,001) entre mulheres que aceitam esta prática; 4,58 vezes maior (p=0,002) entre as mulheres que possuem menos de 4 anos de estudo e ainda, as chances da mulher declarar um aborto provocado comparado às sem aborto é 7% maior a cada ano em que a mulher envelhece. Dentre as 1121 mulheres, 49,5% (n=555) declararam ter tido alguma gravidez. Para que engravidaram a prevalência de mulheres com aborto espontâneo foi de 22,7% (n=126) de aborto provocado 8,85 (n=49). A razão de chances de ter realizado aborto provocado sobre a sem aborto é 28,34 vezes maior (p0,001) entre as que não possuem nenhum filho nascido vivo; 6,42 vezes maior (p0,001) entre as que aceitam esta prática; 4,96 vezes maior (p=0,002) entre as que possuem menos de 4 anos de estudo; e as chances de declarar um aborto provocado comparado as sem aborto é 8% maior a cada ano a mais de vida. Por outra parte, este estudo revela ainda que entre o total de mulheres a razão de chances de ter tido aborto espontâneo sobre a sem aborto é 0,34 (p0,001) entre as mulheres que não possuem nenhum filho nascido vivo; e, as chances da mulher declarar um aborto espontâneo comparado às sem aborto é 4% maior a cada ano de idade da mulher. O comportamento reprodutivo das mulheres deste estudo é equiparável ao das residentes em países desenvolvidos. Ao ter acesso a métodos contraceptivos considerados eficazes o aborto provocado legalizado, não seria utilizado de forma irresponsável. / Induced abortions are illegal in Brazil, leading many women to seek out clandestine clinics and practitioners, resulting in a serious public health problem. The purpose of this study was to estimate the number of women in the general population of fertile age with a history of abortion. This is a retrospective transversal study, based on a random sample of women – 15 to 49 years old –, residing at the Vila Mariana neighborhood of São Paulo in 2006. Data was collected through questionnaires. As the dependent variable we used different abortion categories, reflecting different types of experiences with abortion, which included: no abortion, spontaneous abortion and induced abortion. As independent variables we used: age, the difference between number of children and ideal number of children, employment and marital status, level of education, use of contraceptives, and personal opinion about induced abortion. Analyses were carried out using chi-square tests and polytomous multinomial logistic regressions. Furthermore, 84,4% (n=946) had no history of abortion; 11,2% (n=126) indicated having had a spontaneous abortion; and 4.4% (n=49) indicated having had an induced abortion. We found that it is 6,33 times more likely (p0,001) to have had an induced abortion versus no abortion among women who are pro-choice; 4,58 times more likely (p=0,002) among women who have less than 4 years of formal education; and the chances of a woman admitting an induced abortion compared to no abortion are 7% higher for each additional year of age. We surveyed a total of 1121 women, among which 49.5% (n=555) indicated that they had been pregnant at least once. Among the latter, 22,7% (n=126) indicated having at least one spontaneous abortion and 8,85% (n=49) indicated having at least one induced abortion. Our results show that among women with no live birth pregnancies it is 28,34 times more likely that they have undergone induced abortion versus no abortion (p0,005); among those that are pro-choice it is 6,42 times more likely (p0,001); among those who have less than 4 years of formal education it is 4,96 times more likely (p=0,002); and the chances of admitting to an induced abortion versus no abortion increases by 8% higher for each additional year of age. Finally, this study reveals that women with no live births are 0,34 more likely (p0,001) to have had an spontaneous abortion versus no abortion; and the chances of a woman admitting spontaneous abortion compared to no abortion is 4% higher for each additional year of age. In conclusion, the reproductive behavior of women in this study is comparable to the behavior of women who live in developed countries. With broad access to effective contraceptive methods, legalized induced abortion would not be carried out irresponsibly. / TEDE

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T13:16:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 817356 bytes, checksum: 3d92ee05ca1ae8120a03a662176e093b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / For appearing in a question of public health, the induced abortion has been the subject of the social debate. Nevertheless, the discussion is around the speeches that evaluate this behavior not only as a morally inacceptable fact, but also as an action passive of punishment inside the Brazilian legislation. From this reflection, this work analyzed the social perception of induced abortion and its relationship with a whole series of psychosocial factors that make this perception possible. The perception is understood inside three evaluative dimensions: community (how much the action of induced abortion is common), justice (how much the action of induced abortion is fair) and punishment (how much the action of induced abortion must be punished). They were presented stories of abortion in the conditions allowed by law (normalized) and in the not allowed conditions (non-normalized), and also participants who were requested to evaluate them as fair, ordinary and passive of punishment behavior. The considered psychosocial factors were social beliefs that support the social position facing the induced abortion, essentialist beliefs in the differences among men and women, religiosity and familiarity with the induced abortion. For this, it was realized a study correlated to the application of a questionnaire to 614 university students from both male and female sexes from a public university in Paraíba. The results found indicated, for the studied sample, that the induced abortion is perceived as a common behavior, for both situations, normalized (allowed by law) and non-normalized (illegal abortion). The normalized abortion was considered as fairer and less passive of punishment, while the participants considered the non-normalized abortion as less fair and more passive of punishment. As to the position, there was an adhesion to the arguments against the abortion practice, except the arguments linked to the autonomy and individual freedom of the woman to decide about her own body. The sample admitted a small familiarity with the phenomenon of abortion. In the perception of the abortion community (normalized and non-normalized), the explained variations were the position and the familiarity. But for the perception of the justice (normalized and nonnormalized) and the perception of the normalized punishment, the explained variations were the position and the religiosity. And for the perception of the non-normalized punishment, only the position appeared as an explained variation. It was observed that the essentialism does not appear as an explained variation of any perception. The results point to the fact that the more familiarity with the phenomenon of abortion the more is the attribution of the community, it is, there is the recognition of the raised occurrence of abortions for those who admit some type of proximity with the question. It makes sense then to strengthen the institutional role as promotional of the visibility of the abortion, to go beyond the perspective of the morality, but for the social problematic that it is involved with, while behavior daily practiced to the default of the moral judgments made by it. / Por configurar-se numa questão de saúde pública, o aborto provocado tem sido pauta do debate social. No entanto, a discussão se faz atravessada dos discursos que avaliam esse comportamento como um ato tanto moralmente inaceitável, como também passível de punição dentro da legislação brasileira. Partindo dessa reflexão, o presente trabalho analisou a percepção social do aborto provocado e sua relação com uma série de fatores psicossociais que fundamentariam essa percepção. A percepção é entendida dentro de três dimensões avaliativas: comunidade (o quanto a prática do aborto provocado é comum), justiça (o quanto a prática do aborto provocado é justa) e punição (o quanto a prática do aborto provocado deve ser punida). Foram apresentadas historias de abortamento dentro das condições permitidas em lei (normatizadas) e das condições não permitidas (não-normatizadas) e os participantes solicitados a avaliá-las como comportamento comum, justo e passível de punição. Os fatores psicossociais considerados foram crenças sociais que fundamentam o posicionamento social frente ao aborto provocado, crenças essencialistas nas diferenças entre homens e mulheres, religiosidade e familiaridade com o aborto provocado. Para tanto, realizou-se um estudo correlacional com a aplicação de questionário a 614 estudantes universitários de ambos os sexos de uma universidade pública da Paraíba. Os resultados encontrados indicaram que, para a amostra estudada, o aborto provocado é percebido como um comportamento comum, tanto nas situações normatizadas (permitidas em lei) e não-normatizadas (aborto ilegal). O aborto normatizado foi percebido como mais justo e menos passível de punição, enquanto que os participantes perceberam o aborto não-normatizado como menos justo e mais passível de punição. Quanto ao posicionamento houve uma adesão aos argumentos contrários á prática do aborto, com exceção dos argumentos que vinculam-se a autonomia e liberdade individual da mulher para decidir sobre o próprio corpo. A amostra admitiu uma baixa familiaridade com o fenômeno do abortamento. Na percepção da comunidade do aborto (normatizado e não-normatizado), as variáveis explicativas foram o posicionamento e a familiaridade. Já para a percepção da justiça (normatizado e não-normatizado) e a percepção da punição normatizada, as variáveis explicativas foram o posicionamento e a religiosidade. E para a percepção da punição não-normatizada, apenas o posicionamento apareceu como variável explicativa. Observou-se que o essencialismo não aparece como variável explicativa de nenhuma das percepções. Os resultados encontrados apontam para o fato de que quanto mais familiaridade com o fenômeno do abortamento maior é atribuição de comunidade, ou seja, há o reconhecimento da elevada ocorrência de abortos por aqueles que admitem algum tipo de proximidade com a questão. Faz sentido então reforçar o papel institucional como promotor da visibilidade do abortamento, para além da perspectiva da moralidade, mas sim da problemática social que o envolve, enquanto comportamento cotidianamente praticado à revelia dos julgamentos morais a ele feito.

M.Cur. (Psychiatric Nursing) / Termination of pregnancy is now legal in South Africa, bringing with it issues that have never before had to be addressed. Nobody denies that termination of pregnancy has an effect on women, but very few people realise that termination of pregnancy also has an impact on men. The study tells the story of a few adult biological fathers who accompanied their partners to the various identified clinics in Gauteng for a termination of pregnancy. The goal of this study was to: Explore and describe how single adult biological fathers experienced the termination of pregnancy his partner had. Describe guidelines for the advanced psychiatric nurse practitioner to support adult biological fathers to mobilise their resources and promote their mental health as an integral part of health. The paradigmatic perspective of this study was guided by the Theory for Health Promotion in Nursing (Rand Afrikaans University, Department of Nursing Science, 1999:2-15), which reflects the focus on the whole person. A functional approach was followed (Botes, 1991 :2) based on the model for nursing research developed by Botes (1995:6). The design of the study utilised is a qualitative, descriptive, exploratory and contextual design (Mouton & Marais, 1994:43-44,51) using in-depth, semi-structured, phenomenological interviews as a method of data collection. Field notes were also taken after the completion of each interview, while prior to this permission was obtained from the various identified private clinics in Gauteng where this study was conducted, as well as from the adult biological fathers who voluntarily participated in this study. The results of this study were tabulated according to categories and themes. The first theme identified the powerlessness the adult biological fathers experienced related to the inability to have a choice in the process of the termination of pregnancy. The second theme told of the emotional turmoil experienced by the adult biological fathers related to the impact of the decision on interpersonal and intra-personal relationships. The third theme identified the psychological defence mechanisms the adult biological fathers used as a way of dealing with the stressful effects of the termination of pregnancy.

This research examines men’s talk around abortion using critical discourse analysis. Current literature indicates a dearth of studies addressing the topic of men and abortion in various domains. An understanding of men’s relationship to abortion, however, is crucial to understanding abortion as a social phenomenon. This study utilises the work of Foucault around discourse and power, as well as Butler’s work on gender to create a theoretical framework to approach data. Data were collected in the form of interview groups made up of men, as well as newspaper articles and on-line forum discussions that featured men as the author. What emerged from theses texts was a ‘Familial Discourse’ which posits the nuclear, heterosexual family as a long term relationship between a mother and father, which forms the ideal site to raise children. Discourses that support the family are a discourse of ‘Equal Partnership’ which establishes the man and the woman as being in a heterosexual relationship where each partner is seen to have equal power, and a discourse of ‘Foetal Personhood’ which constructs the foetus as a child in need of a family. Related to the heterosexual matrix, the formation of a family unit comes to be constructed as ‘natural’. Abortion acts as a disruptor to these discourses. By disrupting the formation of the family unit, abortion negatively affects the individuals involved. A relationship where a formation of a family unit was disrupted cannot survive. If the female partner has an abortion without her partner, it is seen as disrupting the equal partnership between the man and the woman. Men in this case see themselves as ‘powerless’ compared to women. From this point a ‘New Man’ discourse emerges, where men position themselves as loving and responsible in the context of a nuclear, heterosexual family unit. Abortion disrupts ‘Foetal Personhood’ and is constructed as murder. In the case of rape the ‘Familial Discourse’ can be invoked either to justify abortion or resist abortion, based on whether or not a family unit can be formed. These discourses reproduce patriarchy.

MPH / Department of Public Health / See the attached abstract below