MERTOVÁ, Simona. Artikulace veřejné politiky k eutanazii. Praha, 2016. 156 s. Diplomová práce (Mgr.) Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut sociologických studií. Katedra veřejné a sociální politiky. Vedoucí diplomové práce Prof. PhDr. Martin Potůček, CSc. MSc. Abstract The title of the diploma work stays "Articulation of public policy to euthanasia". In my diploma work I focused on the problems of euthanasia and its potential legalization in the Czech Republic from the point of view of public policy. Aim of the diploma work was to uncover key events and key actors commenting on the problems of euthanasia and its potential legalization. In my work I make use of the theories of The Advocacy Coalition Framework and The Agenda-Setting Theory and seek to identify basic value stands and major arguments of individual actors. Based on detailed analysis of key actors and key events I intend to proceed to an evaluation of the situation existing in the field of the legalization of euthanasia in the Czech Republic and to make an attempt to anticipate the future developmentand issues concerning potential passing of the law on euthanasia.

Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and the state contribute considerably to the unique state of Caribbean politics, yet their relationship is turbulent which prevents effective policymaking. Specifically, the problem this study addressed is the turbulent relationship between NGOs and the state in Trinidad and Tobago from a postinternational framework. The purpose of this research was to provide an explanation of the NGO-€state relationship through the postinternational concepts of turbulence and distant proximities. Data for this study were acquired through open-€ended surveys from 22 leaders of NGOs and publicly available documentation pertaining to the relationship between government and NGOs. These data theoretically coded and subjected to a thematic analysis procedure. The results indicated that the NGO-€state relationship can be best described as turbulent and characteristic of a distant proximity, thereby implying that the relationship between the participants is characterized by a dynamic tension and the efficacy of the relationship is further exacerbated by distance and proximity. Further, there was evidence of advocacy coalitions (or non-€advocacy coalitions) in the relationships and the state can be resistant to engage in participation. The positive social change implications stemming from this study include opportunities for further academic investigation and presents new knowledge of the NGO-€State relationship in Trinidad and Tobago. This understanding enhances social change by offering direction in the creation and modification of public policies in the Caribbean.

This dissertation examines a major policy change in the context of energy decision-making for shale gas development in the province of New Brunswick, Canada. After a long series of public engagement exercises aimed at regulating and promoting the safe development of shale gas resources in New Brunswick, the provincial government implemented a moratorium on hydraulic fracturing in 2014 and extended it indefinitely in 2016. The dissertation is interested in how policy-oriented learning may have influenced this policy change from both an empirical and a theoretical perspective. Theoretically, in line with recent scholarship on policy learning, this study trains its sites on the nature of policy learning and how it may influence change. To this end, the dissertation is grounded in the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), a theoretical approach with (i) clearly defined mechanisms of learning, and (ii) significant application to resource development and to case studies of resource development in jurisdictions across North America and globally. The study builds on the ACF by proposing a conception of learning drawing on post-positivist literature. The study argues that learning is too narrowly focused on policy elites in the ACF and should be expanded to consider the role of non-traditional actors. The analysis questions the notion that learning can be isolated to rational and technical understandings amongst policy elites, and aims to integrate interactive knowledge into the analysis as a fundamental component of learning. The research aims to contextualize learning and understand the factors that shape policy learning and policy change. The dissertation focuses on the role of three factors - public engagement, uncertainty and trust - in shaping policy actors' learning. Empirically, the study examines the case of New Brunswick between 2007 and 2017. The province undertook multiple public engagement exercises regarding shale gas development in the context of unknown risks and uncertainty associated with the practice of hydraulic fracturing, an emerging technology that enabled the production of shale gas on a large scale. Two major coalitions emerged that advocated for and against shale development in the province, with the dominant pro-development coalition asserting that shale gas could proceed safely through stringent regulation. Through documentary analysis, interviews and a media analysis, the research reveals that interactive knowledge was a key component of how people learned in the case. The anti-shale coalition in New Brunswick brought its lived experience - notably its lack of trust in public authorities to successfully regulate fracking - to bear on decision-making, and was able to undermine and question the pro-development coalition's position that the risks associated with hydraulic fracturing could be managed. The anti-shale coalition mobilized this knowledge through the government's public engagement exercises and successfully contested the dominant coalition's beliefs. Fundamentally, the study demonstrates that public engagement, uncertainty and trust are three key factors that can shape policy learning and change.

No description available.

This research sought to explain the emergence of the Wyoming Core Area Strategy (WCAS), a state-based Greater Sage Grouse conservation plan. It presents a theoretical framework that is based on and adds nuance to the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). The hypothesis this study explored was: if a subsystem's jurisdiction is threatened by a hierarchically superior subsystem's policy outputs and this jurisdiction is necessary to meet the threatened subsystem's goals, then policy change may occur as a result of a strategy by the agents in the threatened subsystem. The data used to examine the hypothesis included expert interviews, historical documents, and interviews from media sources (secondary source interviews). The hypothesis was supported; the WCAS emerged because the Endangered Species Act listing outputs within the Species Conservation Policy Subsystem threatened the Wyoming Land Use Policy (WLUP) Subsystem's jurisdiction, which was necessary to meet the WLUP Subsystem's economic and lifestyle goals; the Governor of Wyoming drove the development and enactment of the WCAS as a strategy to retain jurisdiction. The research demonstrated that in order to fully account for the WCAS's emergence, a less mechanistic view of the framework, one that accounts for the ability of agents in a subsystem to act strategically, was needed. The research also demonstrated that the Greater Sage Grouse conservation benefited from the ESA listing process despite its warranted but precluded listing status. The time frame the research explored was 2002 through March 2012. / Master of Arts

The Christian Right has been a major contributor to the policy process since the 1980s, helping shape the national agenda by illuminating a number of social issues and influencing elections with strong grassroots campaigns. For political scientists, Christian Right organizations provide a rich source of information for studying interest group activity, electioneering, and general political theory. In particular, their efforts to lobby various policy issues such as prayer in school, education, abortion, and traditional marriage, has caused them to become a distinct coalition of advocacy groups, and the focus of much research by many scholars. However, as we advance into the twenty-first century, new biotechnology-related issues have emerged that challenge Christian Right organizations and their values. The purpose of this dissertation was to investigate the involvement of the Christian Right between 2001 and the beginning of 2009 in legislative debates regarding stem cell research policy, and attempt to distinguish its effective and non-effective lobbying strategies, and the general perception of its influence. This study addressed three research questions. First, to what extent do Christian Right organizations participate in the legislative process regarding stem cell research? Second, what is the perceived influence of its lobbying activities on federal stem cell research legislation? Third, in what ways does the Christian Right engage in lobbying legislators on stem cell research legislation? Within these broad research questions, the following subsequent study objectives were pursued: 1) learn about the reasons for the Christian Right’s influence or lack of influence; 2) understand the goals of its advocacy efforts; 3) learn about its use of outside and inside lobbying strategies; 4) better understand the approach used by Christian Right organizations in lobbying legislators who were undecided about a particular stem cell research legislation; 5) learn about the kind of rhetoric it used; and 6) find out what, if any, forms of coalition building it engaged in as part of its advocacy efforts. In addition, this study examined why legislators voted against the majority of their political party when it came to stem cell research legislation. The epistemological approach for this study was qualitative. Data consisted of verbal responses to semi-structured questions during telephone interviews with representatives from Christian Right organizations, advocacy groups that support the expansion of stem cell research policy, former legislators, and current staff members. In addition to the in-depth interviews, data was also obtained through organizational and government documents. Finally, this dissertation analyzed the Christian Right and its participation in the development of stem cell research legislation through the lens of the advocacy coalition framework. In doing so, the study captures of the essence of the stem cell debate and the role of the Christian Right within it, and offers a new theoretical framework for examining the Christian Right.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Otavio dos Santos Pereira.pdf: 961275 bytes, checksum: 142b625726925eca0fc0b979f53de0a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-10 / This dissertation proposes an analysis of the Health Policy for Indigenous People of Brazil, in the period between 1986 and 2013, with basis in the theories of policy studies developed by the Political Science, in special the ACF( Advocacy Coalition Framework) developed by Jenkins-Smith and Sabatier. We observe that this policy born due to an amplest context of transformations of citizenship nature, that compels to a new way to formulate policies that handle with diversity, that start to conciliate the principle of equality with the respect to difference. And we demonstrate how the Brazilian State search in this policy the conciliation between the health right and the cultural rights, with mean, between the principles of universalism and particularism, dealing with the unavoidable set of dilemmas that this matter causes. However, we highlight that in this health policy occur an uncommon frequency of discontinuities. We identify that between the consolidation of the ideational basis of this policy in 1986 and the present period of 2013; occur an sequence of institutional reconfigurations and restructuration of the attention model. The four main changes are: in 1991, when the responsibility of the indigenous health was transferred to FUNASA( National Foundation of Health); in1994, when occur the partial return of the indigenous health to FUNAI( National Foundation of Indian); in 1999, with the Arouca s Law that give back the integrity of the indigenous health responsibility to FUNASA; in 2008, when was create the Especial Secretary of Indigenous Health. This research propose to answer what was the factors that causes the general picture of the institutional instability and the identified changes; and adopt as main hypothesis that the sources of the changes and consequentially of the instability, was the competition between the coalitions that structure themselves around of a divergent set of ideas, that constitute the normative basis of the health policy for indigenous peoples. That way shows with are the coalitions, how they born, around of what ideas they are structured, how they interact, and how make changes in the policy health to indigenous peoples, using the opportunity structure, that opens the possibilities to break the stability and change the status quo / Essa dissertação propõe uma análise da Política de Saúde para as Populações Indígenas no Brasil, do período entre 1986 e 2013, tendo como base as teorias de políticas públicas desenvolvidas pela Ciência Política, em particular o ACF( Advocacy Coalition Framework) desenvolvido por Jenkins-Smith e Sabatier. Observamos que essa política pública nasce devido a um contexto mais amplo de transformações da natureza da cidadania, que compele a uma nova forma de se formular políticas públicas que lidam com a diversidade, que passa a conciliar o principio da igualdade com o respeito a diferença. E demonstramos como o Estado brasileiro busca nessa política a conciliação entre o direito à saúde e os direitos culturais, ou seja, entre o universalismo e o particularismo, tratando dos dilemas inevitáveis que esta questão acarreta. No entanto, destacamos que na política de saúde indígena ocorre uma frequência incomum de descontinuidades. Identificamos que, entre a consolidação da base ideológica dessa política pública em 1986 e o atual momento de 2013, ocorre uma série de reconfigurações institucionais e reestruturações do modelo de atenção. As quatro principais mudanças foram: em 1991, quando responsabilidade da saúde indígena é transferida para a FUNASA (Fundação Nacional de Saúde); em 1994, quando ocorre o retorno parcial da saúde indígena para a FUNAI(Fundação Nacional do Índio);em 1999, com a Lei Arouca que devolve a integralidade da responsabilidade da saúde indígena para a FUNASA; e em 2008, quando é criada a Secretaria Especial de Saúde Indígena. Essa pesquisa propõe responder quais foram os fatores que causaram o quadro geral de instabilidade institucional e das mudanças identificadas; adota como hipótese central que a causa das mudanças, e consequentemente, da instabilidade, foi a disputa entre as coalizões que se estruturam em torno de um conjunto de divergentes ideias que formam a base normativa da política de saúde indígena. Assim demonstramos quais são as coalizões, como nascem, em torno de quais ideias se estruturam, como interagem e causam mudanças na política de saúde indígena, usando a estrutura de oportunidade que possibilita a ruptura da estabilidade e mudança do status quo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Otavio dos Santos Pereira.pdf: 961275 bytes, checksum: 142b625726925eca0fc0b979f53de0a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-10 / This dissertation proposes an analysis of the Health Policy for Indigenous People of Brazil, in the period between 1986 and 2013, with basis in the theories of policy studies developed by the Political Science, in special the ACF( Advocacy Coalition Framework) developed by Jenkins-Smith and Sabatier. We observe that this policy born due to an amplest context of transformations of citizenship nature, that compels to a new way to formulate policies that handle with diversity, that start to conciliate the principle of equality with the respect to difference. And we demonstrate how the Brazilian State search in this policy the conciliation between the health right and the cultural rights, with mean, between the principles of universalism and particularism, dealing with the unavoidable set of dilemmas that this matter causes. However, we highlight that in this health policy occur an uncommon frequency of discontinuities. We identify that between the consolidation of the ideational basis of this policy in 1986 and the present period of 2013; occur an sequence of institutional reconfigurations and restructuration of the attention model. The four main changes are: in 1991, when the responsibility of the indigenous health was transferred to FUNASA( National Foundation of Health); in1994, when occur the partial return of the indigenous health to FUNAI( National Foundation of Indian); in 1999, with the Arouca s Law that give back the integrity of the indigenous health responsibility to FUNASA; in 2008, when was create the Especial Secretary of Indigenous Health. This research propose to answer what was the factors that causes the general picture of the institutional instability and the identified changes; and adopt as main hypothesis that the sources of the changes and consequentially of the instability, was the competition between the coalitions that structure themselves around of a divergent set of ideas, that constitute the normative basis of the health policy for indigenous peoples. That way shows with are the coalitions, how they born, around of what ideas they are structured, how they interact, and how make changes in the policy health to indigenous peoples, using the opportunity structure, that opens the possibilities to break the stability and change the status quo / Essa dissertação propõe uma análise da Política de Saúde para as Populações Indígenas no Brasil, do período entre 1986 e 2013, tendo como base as teorias de políticas públicas desenvolvidas pela Ciência Política, em particular o ACF( Advocacy Coalition Framework) desenvolvido por Jenkins-Smith e Sabatier. Observamos que essa política pública nasce devido a um contexto mais amplo de transformações da natureza da cidadania, que compele a uma nova forma de se formular políticas públicas que lidam com a diversidade, que passa a conciliar o principio da igualdade com o respeito a diferença. E demonstramos como o Estado brasileiro busca nessa política a conciliação entre o direito à saúde e os direitos culturais, ou seja, entre o universalismo e o particularismo, tratando dos dilemas inevitáveis que esta questão acarreta. No entanto, destacamos que na política de saúde indígena ocorre uma frequência incomum de descontinuidades. Identificamos que, entre a consolidação da base ideológica dessa política pública em 1986 e o atual momento de 2013, ocorre uma série de reconfigurações institucionais e reestruturações do modelo de atenção. As quatro principais mudanças foram: em 1991, quando responsabilidade da saúde indígena é transferida para a FUNASA (Fundação Nacional de Saúde); em 1994, quando ocorre o retorno parcial da saúde indígena para a FUNAI(Fundação Nacional do Índio);em 1999, com a Lei Arouca que devolve a integralidade da responsabilidade da saúde indígena para a FUNASA; e em 2008, quando é criada a Secretaria Especial de Saúde Indígena. Essa pesquisa propõe responder quais foram os fatores que causaram o quadro geral de instabilidade institucional e das mudanças identificadas; adota como hipótese central que a causa das mudanças, e consequentemente, da instabilidade, foi a disputa entre as coalizões que se estruturam em torno de um conjunto de divergentes ideias que formam a base normativa da política de saúde indígena. Assim demonstramos quais são as coalizões, como nascem, em torno de quais ideias se estruturam, como interagem e causam mudanças na política de saúde indígena, usando a estrutura de oportunidade que possibilita a ruptura da estabilidade e mudança do status quo

No description available.

Abstract CROSS-IDEOLOGICAL SOLAR POWER COALITIONS IN THE AMERICAN SOUTH: AN ADVOCACY COALITION APPROACH By Brian T. Toibin, Ph.D. A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Policy and Administration at Virginia Commonwealth University. Virginia Commonwealth University, 2018. Major Director: Dr. Damian Pitt Associate Professor of Urban and Regional Studies and Planning L. Douglas Wilder School of Government and Public Affairs The purpose of this study was to explore two particular cross-ideological coalitions that have formed in order to promote pro-solar power policies in Georgia and Florida through the lens of the Advocacy Coalition Framework. The membership of the coalitions include individuals and organizations from opposite sides of the current prevailing ideological spectrum which united to support pro-solar policies for reasons that are consistent with their ideological worldview. The coalition in Georgia is known as the Green Tea Coalition and the coalition in Florida is known as Floridians for Solar Choice. This qualitative study was guided by the following questions: 1) Why did supporters of solar power organize themselves into the particular coalition structures represented by Georgia’s Green Tea Coalition and the Floridians for Solar Choice Coalition?; 2) How have Georgia’s Green Tea Coalition and the Floridians for Solar Choice Coalition successfully managed their policy coalitions?; 3) How effective are these coalitions perceived to be by public policy players outside the coalitions?; 4) Do the Green Tea Coalition and the Floridians for Solar Choice Coalition represent an Advocacy Coalition approach? Engaging these questions through the effective theoretical lens of the Advocacy Coalition Framework revealed a compelling example of cross-ideological cooperation within an increasingly divided political culture. Significant lessons concerning the formation and successful operation of coalitions were learned. The importance of strategic alliances, public belief systems, policy messaging, electorate education, policy learning, and careful political positioning are a few of the factors that enabled these coalitions to find success. The political success of these coalitions significantly advanced the role that solar power will be allowed to play in the future energy portfolio of these two influential states in the American South and across the country. While the positive results for the future of solar power engineered by the coalitions are impressive, perhaps the most important lessons revealed by the study concern the potential for progress and cooperation on other complex issues. A portfolio of difficult issues awaits action by persons of good faith willing to find a cooperative path on which to move forward. Coalitions will be required to address many of these difficult problems. The lessons and example provided by these two cross-ideological coalitions may help others produce a their own blueprint to encourage cross-ideological cooperation. This cooperation will be required if progress is to be made for the well being of current and future generations.