This thesis investigates the role of ideas in policy processes. It does so using three theories as a starting point, selected for being alike yet unique in their description of how ideas may “get stuck” in the organization’s production and reproduction of policy. The theories are Discourse Coalition Framework, Advocacy Coalition Framework, and Punctuated Equilibrium Theory. These theories have very different emphases but share constructivist traits and an interest in how social processes of meaning making take form in a rather “traditional” organizational setting, thus paying attention to, if not reducing the study to, the institutions of representative democracy. Two theoretical problems are identified within these theories. They concern 1) the mechanism and 2) the object of analysis. The theoretical question addressed in part I is: How are we to understand the proposition that ideas may cause stability in policy processes? What is the underlying mechanism? It is argued that the cognitive mechanism which the theories use should be substituted with a social psychological one. The assumption that stability is created when political actors conform to the ideas of others when they are confronted with apparent unanimity among policy makers, rather than that they internalize these ideas, makes both greater stability and instability in policy processes more plausible. Part II poses the question; if we are to investigate policy stability and instability using the discussed theoretical perspective, what unit of analysis should we use? In other words, what is a policy? It is argued that if ideological stability is seen as an effect of how policy formulation is organized (as is argued in part I), then close attention must be paid to processual factors when it is decided what unit of policy, on what level, might be explained. It is furthermore argued that although we may theoretically form an idea about substantially coherent patterns of policy recognizable as a policy, which should result from stable organizational patterns of communication in the policy process, it remains an empirical question if and where these patterns can actually be found. An analysis of Swedish environmental policy is performed to allow for observations of the degree to which empirical evidence is consistent with the policy patterns predicted by the theoretical assumptions outlined in part one.

This essay is an analysis of the Swedish crisis management, as a policy subsystem using the Advocacy Coalition Framework. By applying a Causal Process Tracing method, the main issues of division within the policy subsystem will be examined, and the effects of the 2004 South East Asian tsunami as an incitement of policy change. The major finding is that the reforms that followed the tsunami investigations, to a large extent were planned prior to the tragic event, the main changes seem to have been halted by the 2006 election and change of Office. The cross-party coalitions that were found have theoretical implications for the ACF research.

Submitted by Caroline Periotto (carol@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-03T14:52:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRPA.pdf: 1718615 bytes, checksum: e22c09bad2debcd664b719f90c36b098 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-10T17:27:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRPA.pdf: 1718615 bytes, checksum: e22c09bad2debcd664b719f90c36b098 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-10T17:27:12Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRPA.pdf: 1718615 bytes, checksum: e22c09bad2debcd664b719f90c36b098 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-10T17:27:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRPA.pdf: 1718615 bytes, checksum: e22c09bad2debcd664b719f90c36b098 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / The public-cultural policies, and in the particular the audiovisual policies, gained prominence at the federal level during the administrations of President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). This work aimed to answer such questions: who are the political actors to discuss media in Brazil? What do they believe in? What are their interests? And how do the they get united do defend their interests? Among the many debates that took place during this period of time, four of them have happened by mobilizing the actions of groups who gathered around coalitions. The four controversial issues were: the attempt to create the National Cinema and Audiovisual Agency (Ancinav), the debate over installation of the Brazilian Digital TV System, the creation of Brazil Communications Company (EBC, better know as TV Brazil_ and the debate about the technological convergence between electronic media and telecommunications, proposed by the Draft Law nº 29/2007. The theory and method approach adopted in this study is based on Advocacy Coalition Framework proposed by Paul Sabatier, wic featured collaborations in the years of Jenkins-Smith and Weible. That model aims to explain the political process in a holistc manner by taking into account theoretical premises as the existence of subsystems in public policy and the importance of the values and beliefs of the various political actors involved in this process. Data for the analysis come from selected shorthand notes and available in the Chamber of Deputies – who were treated from the perspective of content analysis – as well as another sources such as ministerial speeches and newspaper articles. As a result we present the three mapped coalitions that impige on the political game an seek to perpetuate their beliefs in the modus operandi of making such audiovisual policy. / As políticas público-culturais, e em específico as políticas do audiovisual, ganharam destaque em âmbito federal durante as gestões do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Tendo em vista este recorte temporal, que abarcou o período de 2003 a 2010, esta dissertação teve o objetivo de responder a perguntas como: quem são os atores políticos que debatem o tema do audiovisual no Brasil? No que eles acreditam? Quais são seus interesses? E, como se dá a união deles em coalizões para defender seus interesses? Dentre os diversos debates que aconteceram neste período, quatro nos chamaram a atenção por mobilizarem a atuação de grupos que se reuniram em torno de coalizões. Os quatro temas polêmicos foram: a tentativa de criação da Agência Nacional de Cinema e do Audiovisual (Ancinav), o debate sobre a instalação do Sistema Brasileiro de TV Digital, a criação da Empresa Brasil de Comunicação (EBC, mais conhecida como a TV Brasil) e o debate acerca da convergência tecnológica entre comunicação social eletrônica e telecomunicações, proposto pelo Projeto de Lei nº 29, de 2007. A perspectiva teórico-metodológica adotada neste estudo baseia-se no Modelo de Coalizões de Defesa proposto por Paul Sabatier em 1988 e que contou com colaborações nos anos seguintes de Jenkins-Smith (1993; 1999) e Weible (2005; 2007). O referido modelo busca explicar o processo político de forma holística ao levar em conta premissas teóricas como a existência de subsistemas na política pública e a importância dos valores e crenças dos diversos atores políticos envolvidos neste processo. Os dados para a análise advêm de notas taquigráficas selecionadas e disponíveis na Câmara dos Deputados – que foram tratadas sob a ótica da análise de conteúdo – além de outras fontes, como discursos ministeriais e matérias jornalísticas. Como resultado, apresentamos o mapeamento de três coalizões que se embatem no jogo político e buscam perpetuar suas crenças no modus operandi de fazer a política do audiovisual.

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No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseAGS.pdf: 2803632 bytes, checksum: 1e6ef9369c0ce5e6e05946a7ca41b0c6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This research aims to analyze the role of actors and ideas on the institutional change that led to the inclusion of the right to memory and truth as a public policy in the third edition of the National Human Rights Program (PNDH-3), resulting in the creation of the National Truth Commission (CNV) in 2011. In Brazil the process of setting up these policies, although dating from the 1970s and during many governments still remains unfinished. Consisting of a long process of political discussion, these clashes, caught in different political arenas and in different historical contexts, had their institutionalization only in 2009 with the edition of the PNDH-3 and some laws, the main ones being: the one created the National Commission of Truth (Law No. 12,528 / 2011), and that gave new wording to the Access to Information Act (Law No. 12,527 / 2011), allowing the opening of the dictatorship files and thus allowing the CNV the execution of its work. The struggle waged for more than three decades to build the right to memory, truth and justice (with the latter aspect of justice never being achieved) was permeated by advances and setbacks, with the central agents of this process being two opposing forces. Over the period studied in this research (1970-2011), the clash between these two opposing forces won several contours and was analyzed based on the theoretical model of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) developed by Paul Sabatier and Hank Jenkins-Smith (1993; 1999). To understand how this occurred institutional change happened, the investigation analyzed the dynamics of action of these conflicting groups in the decisionmaking processes that formed the three versions of PNDH, the main national implementing laws on this subject and its results. Based on these documents it was possible to map the actors (governmental and non-governmental), their beliefs and resources commonly used by them to influence the political process. Two different locus of action were analyzed with actors who opposed and complemented each other. The first locus was called "subsystem of the National Human Rights Program" (SPNDH), within the SPNDH the discussions on the right to memory, truth and justice were analyzed; the second locus was called "subsystem of access to information" (SAI), and the research focused specifically in the discussions on the opening of the military dictatorship files. In the two subsystems, there was the work of two coalitions, which were called "truth and justice coalition" (CVJ) and "reciprocal and partial amnesty coalition" (CARP). As a result, the survey found that the beliefs that shaped these coalitions are stable over time (the second half of the 1970s to 2011). However, depending on the historical moment and the debates that stand out in the national political scene, coalitions tend to converge their struggles for just some of those beliefs in order to ensure that every effort will be made to translate them into policies. Regarding the policy change, it is observed that, in SPNDH, representative changes (of the large-sized kind) occurred only in 2008, but these are soon reversed, and inside the SAI, they occur over the FHC era and the Lula era, and the significant changes (also of the large -sized kind) come only in 2011 influenced by changes in SPNDH. Regarding the coalitions mapped in the subsystems, it is clearly perceived the work of one of them behind the scenes of politics (reciprocal and partial amnesty coalition) and its influence throughout the decision-making process in the two subsystems. / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar o papel dos atores e ideias na mudança institucional que levou a inserção do direito à memória e verdade como política pública na terceira edição do Programa Nacional de Direitos Humanos (PNDH-3), resultando na criação da Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV) no ano de 2011. No Brasil o processo de constituição dessas políticas, apesar de datar da década de 1970 e ter perpassado diversos governos, ainda hoje permanece inacabado. Constituído de um longo processo de discussões políticas, esses embates, travados em diversas arenas e em contextos históricos distintos, tiveram sua institucionalização apenas no ano de 2009 com a edição do PNDH-3 e de algumas leis, sendo as principais: a que criou a Comissão Nacional da Verdade (Lei nº 12.528/2011), e a que deu nova redação a Lei de Acesso à Informação (Lei nº 12.527/2011), permitindo a abertura dos arquivos da ditadura e consequentemente possibilitando a execução dos trabalhos da CNV. A luta empreendida por mais de três décadas para construção do direito à memória, verdade e justiça (essa última dimensão nunca foi alcançada) foi permeada por avanços e retrocessos, tendo como agentes centrais desse processo duas forças antagônicas. Ao longo do período estudado nessa pesquisa (1970-2011), o embate entre essas duas forças contrárias ganhou diversos contornos e foi analisado à luz do modelo teórico do Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) desenvolvido por Paul Sabatier e Hank Jenkins-Smith (1993;1999). Para compreender como ocorreu a mudança institucional que permitiu a inserção do direito á memória e verdade como política pública foram analisadas as dinâmicas de atuação desses grupos em conflito a partir dos processos decisórios que conformaram as três versões do PNDH, as principais leis de aplicação nacional sobre esse tema e seus resultados. Com base nesses documentos foi possível mapear os atores (governamentais e não governamentais), suas crenças e os recursos comumente empregados por eles para influenciar o processo político. A análise foi feita a partir de dois lócus diferentes de atuação dos atores, que se contrapõem e se complementam. O primeiro denominado de "subsistema do Programa Nacional de Direitos Humanos" (SPNDH), nele foram analisadas as discussões sobre o direito à memória, verdade e justiça; o segundo, denominado de "subsistema de acesso à informação" (SAI), centrou-se especificamente nos debates sobre a abertura dos arquivos da ditadura militar. Nos dois subsistemas, verificou-se a atuação de duas coalizões, as quais foram denominadas de "coalizão verdade e justiça" (CVJ) e "coalizão anistia recíproca e parcial" (CARP). Como resultado, a pesquisa verificou que as crenças que conformaram essas coalizões mantiveram-se estáveis ao longo do tempo (segunda metade da década de 1970 a 2011), porém, dependendo do momento histórico e dos debates que sobressaem no cenário político nacional, as coalizões tendem a convergir suas lutas para apenas algumas delas, no intuito de empreender esforços para traduzi-las em políticas. No que concerne à mudança política, observa-se que, no SPNDH, as mudanças representativas (de grande porte) ocorrem somente no ano de 2008, mas estas são revertidas logo em seguida e, no SAI, elas ocorrem ao longo dos governos FHC e Lula, sendo que, as mudanças significativas (de grande porte) acontecem apenas no ano de 2011 influenciadas pelas alterações no subsistema do PNDH. Em relação às coalizões mapeadas nos subsistemas, fica nítida a atuação de uma delas nos bastidores da política (coalizão anistia recíproca e parcial) e a sua influência durante todo o processo decisório nos dois subsistemas.

I Jönköpings kommun har stora utvecklings- och ombyggnadsarbeten pågått under ett an-tal år. En av de största förändringarna är en bro som byggdes över Munksjön och stod fär-dig under år 2006. Bron kan ses som en katalysator för flera andra projekt som har löpt pa-rallellt med broprojektet. Uppsatsen fokuserar på processen som förlöpt från det att brons planeringsstadium inleddes 1990 till dess att det slutgiltiga byggnadsbeslutet togs 2004. Bron var kontroversiell i bland annat miljöhänseende, men även ekonomiskt och i trafik-hänseende ansågs den vara en tveksam lösning på centrums problem. Första steget i upp-satsarbetet var att samla in information, främst från olika kommunfullmäktigedokument samt underlag som använts när beslut fattats i kommunfullmäktige. För att identifiera in-tressanta problem granskades dessa med hjälp av källkritiskt metod och delades kronolo-giskt in i sex faser, där varje fas representerade ett delbeslut i broprocessen. För det fortsatta arbetet behövdes en analysmodell, som inkluderade multipla aktörer, och som kunde användas för en analys av den process som löpt under cirka 15 års tid. Detta ledde först till klassiska implementeringsmodeller, främst Top-down och Bottom-up-modellerna och därefter vidare till Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) som utgör en vi-dareutveckling av de båda implementeringsmodellerna. Fördelarna med ACF var många. Den hanterar multipla aktörer, tidspannet lämpar sig väl, och den innehåller ett antal krite-rier vilka ger underlag för intressanta diskussioner. Med analysramen och dokumentstudien som bas kunde problemområde, hypotes, samt beroende och oberoende variabler faststäl-las. Valet av analysram föll således på ACF, vilken har använts mycket i USA bland annat för analys av miljöproblem. Ett av de största problemen med analysramen har då varit att mo-tivera varför olika koalitioner uppstått. Detta problem kringgås här genom att peka på de svenska partiernas större homogenitet än deras motsvarigheter i USA, detta beroende på att det där i princip endast finns två partier. För att motivera valet av ACF som analysram testades de nio kriterier som denna innefat-tar, och genom att dessa uppfylldes kunde analysramens relevans för forskningsområdet valideras. Med hjälp av analysramen och dess kriterier, samt den källkritiska analysen, upp-ställdes hypotesen: De mest miljömedvetna koalitionerna har fått göra flest eftergifter under broproces-sens gång. Innan analysen fortskred redovisas ytterligare två metoder: kvantitativ innehållsanalys och statistisk Chi-två metod. Den kvantitativa innehållsanalysen användes för att utifrån de svenska politiska partiernas höga grad av homogenitet motivera varför olika koalitioner uppstått. Chi-två metoden användes i resultatredovisningen för att ge statistiskt stöd för hypotesen. Analysen började med att identifiera de tre koalitioner, som bildats under processen, nämli-gen: Pro-bro, Avvaktande och Anti-bro. De olika aktörerna indelades därefter i den koali-tion de tillhört under varje fas. Vidare fastställdes de tillfällen då en koalition fått göra en eftergift under processen. Totalt har den mest miljömedvetna koalitionen gjort sex eftergif-ter medan den mindre miljömedvetna inte behövt göra någon eftergift. Med hjälp av den kvantitativa innehållsanalysen har det varit möjligt att visa hur det bilda-des två koalitioner varav en mer och en mindre miljömedveten. Den mest miljömedvetna koalitionen bestod av: Miljöpartiet, Centerpartiet och Vänsterpartiet medan den mindre miljömedvetna bestod av Folkpartiet, Socialdemokraterna, Kristdemokraterna och Moderaterna. Ur koalitionsbildningarna och fördelningen av eftergifter kunde det utläsas att den mest miljömedvetna koalitionen fått göra flest eftergifter, sex mot noll. För att ge statistiskt stöd åt resultatet genomfördes även en Chi-två beräkning, vars utfall var statistiskt signifikant och gav stöd åt hypotesen. I den slutliga diskussionen ställs frågan varför kommunen inte följt Agenda 21 och de stat-ligt uppsatta miljömålen. Slutsatsen dras att det är vanligt med konflikter mellan kommuna-la miljö- och tillväxtmål. I detta fall har det blivit en tveksam kompromiss, som varken löst trafikfrågan i Jönköpings centrala delar eller kommit tillrätta med de existerande miljöpro-blemen. Uppsatsen avslutas med funderingar om hur ACF kan användas i framtida forskningspro-jekt på liknande områden. I en undersökning med mindre homogena aktörer behöver ana-lysramen kompletteras med bättre metoder för att beskriva hur koalitioner bildas utifrån gemensamma basala värderingar.

In an analysis of the development of the Czech foreign aid policy, I use the advocacy coalition framework (ACF) to examine what policy change towards aid effectiveness has occurred from the mid-1990's to the present. Using this explanatory framework, I suggest that the changes towards aid effectiveness, which have occurred during this period, are minor rather than major ones. I argue that during this time the Czech foreign aid policy has been dominated by a belief system of the majority coalition that represents a realistic approach to foreign aid policy based on self-interested interests such as mutual interests, commercial motives or political and strategic interests. By the application of the ACF, I attempt to explain the policy process and the reasons why a major policy change has not occurred. In this analysis, I argue that in spite of the processes external to the policy subsystem (e.g. the occurrence of aid effectiveness movement), the minority coalition, whose belief system is mainly represented by altruistic motives and the support for increasing aid effectiveness, has not had enough policy-relevant resources to press for a major policy change. I argue that the conflict between the coalitions is driven by normative beliefs and that it is more likely that there will be incremental policy...

Diploma thesis "Marihuana: drug or medicine?" deals with recent change of a medicine law and with process enabling treatment by marihuana. It identifies stakeholders and advocacy coalitions involved in the law and public policy enforcement and explains what is the motivation for these coalitions and on which values is the motivation based. Using event analysis this thesis shows timeline of events moving towards the change of the law and reveals the stakeholders who are significant for the change. Their public speeches are analyzed and stakeholders are divided into advocacy coalitions on the basis of the analysis. The conclusion of the qualitative content analysis is verified by half structured interviews with stakeholders representing the coalitions. Three coalitions were identified in cannabis subsystem. First of them is liberal and tries to get the legalization trough, the second one tries to enable a treatment by marihuana for patients and the third coalition is skeptic to cannabis treatment. The thesis explains a participation of these coalitions on the change and their relations to each other.

[pt] O homeschooling (HS) é um movimento de origem norte-americana que desde os anos 1960 luta pelo direito dos pais de retirarem seus filhos de instituições escolares para ensiná-los em casa. Em seu início, mantinha relações com ideais anarquistas, mas logo foi cooptado pelas correntes do neoconservadorismo e do neoliberalismo. Desde então, as motivações para sua adoção passam pelo descontentamento com o sistema escolar e pelo desejo de ter amplo controle do processo educativo de seus filhos. A prática chega ao Brasil por meio de missionários protestantes no final do século passado, passa por um longo período de inércia e alcança o debate público com a ascensão da nova direita, que é banhada nas mesmas águas ideológicas do homeschooling. Partindo do pressuposto de que existe um grupo de atores que agem de forma coordenada e guiados por crenças compartilhadas, entendemos que no Brasil existe uma coalizão, nos termos do Modelo de Coalizões de Defesa, pró-HS. Diante disso, buscamos investigar semelhanças e diferenças entre as crenças, as formas de atuação e os argumentos utilizados pela coalizão que advoga em defesa da legalização e implementação do homeschooling. Em relação à metodologia, realizamos uma pesquisa qualitativa de cunho documental. Selecionamos materiais produzidos pela coalizão ou que tinham potencial de apresentarem dados importantes, como Projetos de Lei, notas taquigráficas de audiências públicas e posts de redes sociais. Para o processo analítico, foi lançado mão da Análise de Conteúdo, dos preceitos do neoconservadorismo e do neoliberalismo e das categorias de análise do Modelo de Coalizões de Defesa trabalhadas. Os resultados indicam que as crenças da coalizão se sustentam em três pilares: nas noções de liberdade, de família e de responsabilização. Elas apresentam forte e íntima relação com as marcas neoconservadoras e neoliberais, o que coloca o homeschooling dentro do campo das políticas educacionais guiadas por valores mercadológicos e moralizantes. Nesse sentido, identificamos que o HS leva à exaltação de uma liberdade individual e irrestrita, à promoção da família tradicional, à objetificação das crianças e adolescentes, à transferência de responsabilidade de um direito social e a valorização de princípios meritocráticos. Além disso, a coalizão usa de diferentes estratégias para materializar suas crenças e alcançar seus objetivos, concentrando-se especialmente nos da esfera política, com a apresentação de Projetos de Lei, e na esfera social, buscando aprovação pública da pauta. Ainda, analisamos os argumentos adotados. Eles atuam como forma de convencer a opinião pública sobre os supostos benefícios da prática e contra argumentam as críticas levantadas pela coalizão contrária. Por fim, entendemos que o homeschooling tem potencial para colocar em risco o direito à educação e a ideia de construção coletiva visando a convivência em sociedade democrática. / [en] Homeschooling (HS) is a movement created in the USA that since the 1960s has been fighting for the right of parents to withdraw their children from regular schools to teach them at home. At first, it maintained relations with anarchist ideals, but was soon co-opted by neoconservative and neoliberal groups. Since then, the motivations for its adoption have been the dissatisfaction with the school system and the desire to have full control over the educational process of their children. The practice came to Brazil through protestant missionaries at the end of the last century, and, after a long period of inertia, reached public debate with the rise of the new right political group. Assuming that there is a group of actors who act in a coordinated way and guided by shared beliefs, we understand that, in Brazil there is a pro-HS coalition, as defined by the Defense Coalition Model. Therefore, we seek to investigate possible similarities and differences between the beliefs, the ways of acting and the arguments used by the coalition that advocates in defense of the legalization and implementation of homeschooling. Regarding the methodology, we carried out a qualitative documentary research. In this way, we selected materials produced by the coalition or that had the potential to present important data about it, such as bills, shorthand notes from public hearings and social media posts. We analyzed the data using content analysis, and the concepts of neoconservatism, neoliberalism and the categories of analysis of the Defense Coalitions Model. The results indicate that the coalition s beliefs are based on three pillars: the notions of freedom, family, and accountability. They have a strong and intimate relationship with neoconservative and neoliberal thought, which places homeschooling within the field of educational policies guided by marketing and moralizing values. Thus, we identified that HS leads to the exaltation of individual and unrestricted freedom, the promotion of the traditional family, the objectification of children and adolescents, the transfer of responsibility for a social right and the appreciation of meritocratic principles. Additionally, the coalition uses different strategies to materialize its beliefs and achieve its objectives, especially in the political and social spheres. Still, we analyze the arguments adopted. The coalition s arguments try to convince public opinion about the alleged benefits of the practice and counter the criticisms raised by the opposing coalition. Finally, we understand that homeschooling has the potential to jeopardize the right to education and the idea of collective construction aimed at coexistence in a democratic society.

No description available.

Throughout its history, the EU has been centred around economic integration. Today, however, the EU's political ambitions extend to more areas, such as environment and health. How does the legacy of economic integration affect the EU's ability to pursue policy in these areas, especially when it may offset commercial objectives? One such area is alcohol policy. While alcohol policy often involves a trade-off between health and commercial objectives, EU alcohol policy has historically prioritised the latter. This appeared to change with the announcement of Europe's Beating Cancer Plan in 2021. This thesis, using the Advocacy Coalition Framework, studies EU alcohol policy to determine whether or not a policy shift towards a more ambitious public health policy occurred as a result of the plan. The results show that policy change did not happen in the wake of the cancer plan. Instead, policy was delayed or changed to not interfere with commercial goals. The findings also show that two coalitions fought for influence over the policy process. One, centred around public health actors, and one centred around alcohol industry actors. The study shows that the industry coalition was more influential at key stages that affected the outcome of the policy deliberations. The conclusions show that the political culture and commercial structures set up to accommodate single market integration also act as defenders of commercial priorities. Notably, corresponding structures for public health were either limited or non-existent. This suggests that a bias exists that hinder significant political progress on health policy.