Submitted by Caroline Periotto (carol@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-10T18:06:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissBFP.pdf: 1323789 bytes, checksum: 4c1e642def0656d7b31c327838e6bf7a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-20T19:51:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissBFP.pdf: 1323789 bytes, checksum: 4c1e642def0656d7b31c327838e6bf7a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-20T19:51:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissBFP.pdf: 1323789 bytes, checksum: 4c1e642def0656d7b31c327838e6bf7a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-20T19:51:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissBFP.pdf: 1323789 bytes, checksum: 4c1e642def0656d7b31c327838e6bf7a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-18 / Não recebi financiamento / In this research we conducted a rigorous study of the final report of the National Truth Commission, seeking to understand how the current political and social situation in the country was limited and overshadowed the gains brought by this Commission. This research had as material beyond the final report, the military's statements given to the Commission, the newspaper reports on the subject and a vast literature on the subject. From this material, the main objective of this research was to analyze how civil-military relations during the work of CNV are directly related to the permanence of the dictatorial legacy in our current democracy. / Nesta pesquisa realizamos um estudo rigoroso do relatório final da Comissão Nacional da Verdade e buscou compreender como a atual conjuntura política e social do país limitou e obscureceu os ganhos trazidos por esta Comissão. Esta pesquisa teve como material além do relatório final, que foi resultado dos trinta e um meses de trabalho da Comissão, os depoimentos de militares prestados à CNV, as notícias de jornais sobre o assunto e uma vasta pesquisa bibliográfica acerca do tema. A partir deste material, o principal objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar a forma como as relações civismilitares durante os trabalhos da CNV estão diretamente relacionadas à permanência do legado ditatorial em nossa democracia atual.

Submitted by Daniele Amaral (daniee_ni@hotmail.com) on 2016-10-14T16:06:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseAGS.pdf: 2803632 bytes, checksum: 1e6ef9369c0ce5e6e05946a7ca41b0c6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-21T13:51:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseAGS.pdf: 2803632 bytes, checksum: 1e6ef9369c0ce5e6e05946a7ca41b0c6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-21T13:51:35Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseAGS.pdf: 2803632 bytes, checksum: 1e6ef9369c0ce5e6e05946a7ca41b0c6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-21T13:51:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseAGS.pdf: 2803632 bytes, checksum: 1e6ef9369c0ce5e6e05946a7ca41b0c6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This research aims to analyze the role of actors and ideas on the institutional change that led to the inclusion of the right to memory and truth as a public policy in the third edition of the National Human Rights Program (PNDH-3), resulting in the creation of the National Truth Commission (CNV) in 2011. In Brazil the process of setting up these policies, although dating from the 1970s and during many governments still remains unfinished. Consisting of a long process of political discussion, these clashes, caught in different political arenas and in different historical contexts, had their institutionalization only in 2009 with the edition of the PNDH-3 and some laws, the main ones being: the one created the National Commission of Truth (Law No. 12,528 / 2011), and that gave new wording to the Access to Information Act (Law No. 12,527 / 2011), allowing the opening of the dictatorship files and thus allowing the CNV the execution of its work. The struggle waged for more than three decades to build the right to memory, truth and justice (with the latter aspect of justice never being achieved) was permeated by advances and setbacks, with the central agents of this process being two opposing forces. Over the period studied in this research (1970-2011), the clash between these two opposing forces won several contours and was analyzed based on the theoretical model of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) developed by Paul Sabatier and Hank Jenkins-Smith (1993; 1999). To understand how this occurred institutional change happened, the investigation analyzed the dynamics of action of these conflicting groups in the decisionmaking processes that formed the three versions of PNDH, the main national implementing laws on this subject and its results. Based on these documents it was possible to map the actors (governmental and non-governmental), their beliefs and resources commonly used by them to influence the political process. Two different locus of action were analyzed with actors who opposed and complemented each other. The first locus was called "subsystem of the National Human Rights Program" (SPNDH), within the SPNDH the discussions on the right to memory, truth and justice were analyzed; the second locus was called "subsystem of access to information" (SAI), and the research focused specifically in the discussions on the opening of the military dictatorship files. In the two subsystems, there was the work of two coalitions, which were called "truth and justice coalition" (CVJ) and "reciprocal and partial amnesty coalition" (CARP). As a result, the survey found that the beliefs that shaped these coalitions are stable over time (the second half of the 1970s to 2011). However, depending on the historical moment and the debates that stand out in the national political scene, coalitions tend to converge their struggles for just some of those beliefs in order to ensure that every effort will be made to translate them into policies. Regarding the policy change, it is observed that, in SPNDH, representative changes (of the large-sized kind) occurred only in 2008, but these are soon reversed, and inside the SAI, they occur over the FHC era and the Lula era, and the significant changes (also of the large -sized kind) come only in 2011 influenced by changes in SPNDH. Regarding the coalitions mapped in the subsystems, it is clearly perceived the work of one of them behind the scenes of politics (reciprocal and partial amnesty coalition) and its influence throughout the decision-making process in the two subsystems. / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar o papel dos atores e ideias na mudança institucional que levou a inserção do direito à memória e verdade como política pública na terceira edição do Programa Nacional de Direitos Humanos (PNDH-3), resultando na criação da Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV) no ano de 2011. No Brasil o processo de constituição dessas políticas, apesar de datar da década de 1970 e ter perpassado diversos governos, ainda hoje permanece inacabado. Constituído de um longo processo de discussões políticas, esses embates, travados em diversas arenas e em contextos históricos distintos, tiveram sua institucionalização apenas no ano de 2009 com a edição do PNDH-3 e de algumas leis, sendo as principais: a que criou a Comissão Nacional da Verdade (Lei nº 12.528/2011), e a que deu nova redação a Lei de Acesso à Informação (Lei nº 12.527/2011), permitindo a abertura dos arquivos da ditadura e consequentemente possibilitando a execução dos trabalhos da CNV. A luta empreendida por mais de três décadas para construção do direito à memória, verdade e justiça (essa última dimensão nunca foi alcançada) foi permeada por avanços e retrocessos, tendo como agentes centrais desse processo duas forças antagônicas. Ao longo do período estudado nessa pesquisa (1970-2011), o embate entre essas duas forças contrárias ganhou diversos contornos e foi analisado à luz do modelo teórico do Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) desenvolvido por Paul Sabatier e Hank Jenkins-Smith (1993;1999). Para compreender como ocorreu a mudança institucional que permitiu a inserção do direito á memória e verdade como política pública foram analisadas as dinâmicas de atuação desses grupos em conflito a partir dos processos decisórios que conformaram as três versões do PNDH, as principais leis de aplicação nacional sobre esse tema e seus resultados. Com base nesses documentos foi possível mapear os atores (governamentais e não governamentais), suas crenças e os recursos comumente empregados por eles para influenciar o processo político. A análise foi feita a partir de dois lócus diferentes de atuação dos atores, que se contrapõem e se complementam. O primeiro denominado de "subsistema do Programa Nacional de Direitos Humanos" (SPNDH), nele foram analisadas as discussões sobre o direito à memória, verdade e justiça; o segundo, denominado de "subsistema de acesso à informação" (SAI), centrou-se especificamente nos debates sobre a abertura dos arquivos da ditadura militar. Nos dois subsistemas, verificou-se a atuação de duas coalizões, as quais foram denominadas de "coalizão verdade e justiça" (CVJ) e "coalizão anistia recíproca e parcial" (CARP). Como resultado, a pesquisa verificou que as crenças que conformaram essas coalizões mantiveram-se estáveis ao longo do tempo (segunda metade da década de 1970 a 2011), porém, dependendo do momento histórico e dos debates que sobressaem no cenário político nacional, as coalizões tendem a convergir suas lutas para apenas algumas delas, no intuito de empreender esforços para traduzi-las em políticas. No que concerne à mudança política, observa-se que, no SPNDH, as mudanças representativas (de grande porte) ocorrem somente no ano de 2008, mas estas são revertidas logo em seguida e, no SAI, elas ocorrem ao longo dos governos FHC e Lula, sendo que, as mudanças significativas (de grande porte) acontecem apenas no ano de 2011 influenciadas pelas alterações no subsistema do PNDH. Em relação às coalizões mapeadas nos subsistemas, fica nítida a atuação de uma delas nos bastidores da política (coalizão anistia recíproca e parcial) e a sua influência durante todo o processo decisório nos dois subsistemas.

Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2017-07-13T13:25:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 902773 bytes, checksum: ecb09fa9acecc8c3fa0d197b7e9bf8a5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-13T13:25:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 902773 bytes, checksum: ecb09fa9acecc8c3fa0d197b7e9bf8a5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-16 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This master thesis is the result of an empirical study located in the field of transitional justice, more specifically, the Truth Commissions (TC), the Social Representations and Human Rights (HR). More broadly, this work is the inclusion of Brazil in a survey of Latin American countries that have established TCs, such as Chile, Argentina, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay. The TC is a form of transitional justice, installed after repressive regimes or armed conflict, contributing to the democratic transition of the country. Some objectives of these committees are: knowledge of the truth about what happened, building a collective memory and search for justice from the victims. Introduced in March 2012, the National Truth Commission (NTC) extended its activities by December 2014. Despite the creation of NTC constitute a milestone in the Brazilian history and democracy, psychology as a science and socio-political knowledge has contributed little to the discussion about serious violations of HR occurred in Brazil. This deficit reflects the low production on the subject. Brazil features as one of the last countries in Latin America to set up a TC, considering the time interval between the end of the dictatorship and the establishment of the commission. From the military dictatorship (1964-1985) to the creation of NTC it took 27 years. These data and little social impact of NTC demonstrate the difficulty of Brazilian people in dealing with the past. In the present study, we sought to verify the social representations of College students on the NTC and how these representations were related to corresponding variables to force ideas. Specifically, we sought to investigate the relationship between variables related to forceideas; analyze the relationship between variables corresponding to the Military Dictatorship (MD); check the relationship between strength and ideas variables related to MD; examine the relationship between force-ideas and related variables and NTC; investigate the relationship between variables corresponding to the MD and variables related to NTC. Participants were 252 students of the Center for Humanities of UFPB, located in the Campus I, in João Pessoa/PB, Brazil. The instrument used for data collection consisted of a questionnaire composed of different thematic scales (Degree of exposure to violence; Predisposition to review the past, social sharing on MD and NTC, rating of the work of NTC; violence usage compliance indicators, degree of post-conventionality; Attitudes to HR, institutional trust; basic principles of equality and tolerance, political orientation, etc.), was developed and implemented in other countries (Chile, Argentina, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay), translated from Spanish to Portuguese and validated semantically. Data analyses were performed using SPSS software. Descriptive analysis, correlation analysis, factor analysis and multiple linear regressions were performed. Among the results we observed that the forceideas - political, ideological and moral aspects -, concepts for Doise, anchored the social representations of NTC and to the approval of the NTC work and positive predisposition to the last review are consistent with the positive attitudes to HR. / A presente dissertação de mestrado é fruto de um estudo empírico situado no campo da Justiça transicional, mais especificamente, das Comissões da Verdade (CV), das Representações Sociais e dos Direitos Humanos. De modo mais amplo, este trabalho constitui a inserção do Brasil numa pesquisa sobre países latinoamericanos que instauraram CVs, como o Chile, Argentina, Equador, Paraguai, Peru e Uruguai. A CV é uma modalidade de justiça transicional, instalada após regimes repressivos ou conflitos armados, que contribui para a transição democrática dos países. Dentre os objetivos dessas comissões estão: conhecimento da verdade sobre o ocorrido, construção de uma memória coletiva e busca por justiça junto às vítimas. Implantada em março de 2012, a Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV) estendeu suas atividades até dezembro de 2014. Apesar da criação da CNV constituir um marco para a história e democracia brasileiras, a psicologia, enquanto ciência e conhecimento sociopolítico, pouco tem contribuído com a discussão das graves violações dos DH ocorridas no Brasil. Esse déficit reflete na baixa produção sobre o tema. O Brasil figura como um dos últimos países da América Latina a instalar uma CV, considerando o intervalo de tempo entre o fim do regime ditatorial e a implantação da comissão. Da Ditadura Militar (1964-1985) à criação da CNV passaram-se 27 anos. Esses dados e o impacto pouco expressivo da CNV demonstram a dificuldade do brasileiro em lidar com o passado. No presente estudo, buscouse verificar as representações sociais de universitários sobre a CNV e como essas representações relacionavam-se com variáveis correspondentes às ideias força. Especificamente, pretendeu-se investigar a relação entre variáveis referentes às ideias força; analisar a relação entre variáveis correspondentes à Ditadura Militar (DM); verificar a relação entre ideias força e variáveis referentes à DM; examinar a relação entre ideias força e variáveis relativas à CNV; e investigar a relação entre variáveis correspondentes à DM e variáveis relativas à CNV. Este estudo tem caráter transversal e contou com a participação de 252 universitários do Centro de Ciências Humanas e Letras da UFPB, localizado no Campus I, em João Pessoa/PB. O instrumento utilizado para a coleta de dados consistiu num questionário, composto por diferentes escalas temáticas (Grau de exposição à violência, Predisposição para rever o passado, Compartilhamento social sobre a DM e a CNV, Avaliação do trabalho da CNV, Indicadores de concordância com o uso da violência, Grau de pós-convencionalismo, Atitudes frente aos DH, Confiança institucional, Princípios básicos de igualdade e tolerância, Orientação política, etc.), já elaborado e aplicado em outros países (Chile, Argentina, Equador, Paraguai, Peru e Uruguai), traduzido do espanhol para o português e validado semanticamente. Para a análise de dados, foi utilizado o software SPSS. Realizaram-se análises descritivas, análises de correlação, análises fatoriais e regressões lineares múltiplas. Dentre os resultados, foi possível verificar que as ideias força – aspectos políticos, ideológicos e morais –, conceituadas por Doise, ancoraram as representações sociais da CNV e que a aprovação do trabalho da CNV e a predisposição positiva para a revisão do passado são coerentes com as atitudes positivas frente aos DH.

This study is an attempt to critique the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission from a theological ethical perspective. The central critique and argument of this study will be that, it is impossible to reconcile the dispossessor and the dispossessed or the oppressor and oppressed in the way the South African TRC did. As such, it will be befitting to start off this study which explores some of the noticeable lessons and challenges emerging from the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (hereafter, the TRC) by elucidating that this study is an attempt to contribute to the on-going discussions on reconciliation. It is also vital to mention up front that this study attempts to contribute to the discussion on reconciliation which seeks to remove injustice at the root. It contributes to a discussion of the weeds of alienation and fragmentation, and it stands in contrast to the frequent use of reconciliation merely to reach some political accommodation and not to address the critical questions of justice, equality and dignity (Boesak & DeYoung 2012). It is also befitting to point out that two central themes – political pietism and Christian quietism – form the backdrop to this study (Boesak & DeYoung 2012). The study contends that reconciliation in South Africa was used merely to reach some political accommodation and did not address the three critical questions of justice, equality and dignity. These arrangements perpetually favour the rich and powerful but deprive the powerless of justice and dignity. Hitherto, this reconciliation is presented as if it does respond to the need for genuine reconciliation and employs a language that sounds like the truth, but it is in fact deceitful – and this we call political pietism. It is also vital to mention that “reconciliation” is a Christian concept, and as such, Christians’ measure matters of reconciliation with the yardstick of the gospel and therefore should know better. However, as it will be shown in this study, when Christians in South Africa discovered that the TRC was not really promoting reconciliation, they became complicit in a deceitful reconciliation. This may have been for reasons of self-protection, fear or a desire for acceptance by the powers that govern the world. Whichever way one looks at it, they tried to seek to accommodate the situation, to justify it and to refuse to run the risk of challenge and prophetic truth telling. As a result, they denied the demands of the gospel and refused solidarity with the powerless and oppressed. This is called Christian quietism (Boesak & DeYoung 2012:1). This study in its attempt to critique the South Africa TRC from a theological ethical perspective will point out that, the TRC which was obviously the product of the negotiated settlement needs to be understood against the background of the global struggle of particularly Third-World countries which were resisting authoritarian regimes put in place by the West for the benefit of the West. As such, this study will point out how the West, in their attempt to keep a grip on the Third-World countries – particularly on their resources – had to recommend and promote their notion of democracy. Democracy became the only option for Third-World countries as a result of the fall of the Soviet Union. It must, however, be mentioned that the problem is not democracy but the manifestation thereof under capitalism. This is because the notion of democracy was recommended to Third-World countries when capitalism was becoming global. As such, this presented some contradictions because democracy emphasizes joint interests, equality and common loyalties whilst capitalism is based on self-seeking inequality and conflicting individual and group interest (Terriblanche 2002). This means that a transition to democracy (especially constitutional democracy) means that the former oppressor or dispossessor will hold on to economic power. As such, the sudden interest of both the NP and the corporate sector in South Africa to a transition to democracy needs to be understood against this background. This study will argue and demonstrate how the ANC was outsmarted during the negotiations in that, at the formal negotiations, the ANC won political power whilst the NP/corporate sector in South Africa won economic power. This is mentioned to here to point out that both the elite compromise reached at the formal and informal negotiations and the influence of the Latin-American truth commissions led to the inability or unwillingness of the TRC to uncover the truth about systemic exploitation. As such, this study will argue and demonstrate that, on the one hand, reconciliation was not added to the truth commission for the purpose of confronting the country with the demands of the gospel and, on the other hand, the TRC was set up (from its inception) for failure. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D.Th. (Theological Ethics)

This study is an attempt to critique the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission from a theological ethical perspective. The central critique and argument of this study will be that, it is impossible to reconcile the dispossessor and the dispossessed or the oppressor and oppressed in the way the South African TRC did. As such, it will be befitting to start off this study which explores some of the noticeable lessons and challenges emerging from the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (hereafter, the TRC) by elucidating that this study is an attempt to contribute to the on-going discussions on reconciliation. It is also vital to mention up front that this study attempts to contribute to the discussion on reconciliation which seeks to remove injustice at the root. It contributes to a discussion of the weeds of alienation and fragmentation, and it stands in contrast to the frequent use of reconciliation merely to reach some political accommodation and not to address the critical questions of justice, equality and dignity (Boesak & DeYoung 2012). It is also befitting to point out that two central themes – political pietism and Christian quietism – form the backdrop to this study (Boesak & DeYoung 2012). The study contends that reconciliation in South Africa was used merely to reach some political accommodation and did not address the three critical questions of justice, equality and dignity. These arrangements perpetually favour the rich and powerful but deprive the powerless of justice and dignity. Hitherto, this reconciliation is presented as if it does respond to the need for genuine reconciliation and employs a language that sounds like the truth, but it is in fact deceitful – and this we call political pietism. It is also vital to mention that “reconciliation” is a Christian concept, and as such, Christians’ measure matters of reconciliation with the yardstick of the gospel and therefore should know better. However, as it will be shown in this study, when Christians in South Africa discovered that the TRC was not really promoting reconciliation, they became complicit in a deceitful reconciliation. This may have been for reasons of self-protection, fear or a desire for acceptance by the powers that govern the world. Whichever way one looks at it, they tried to seek to accommodate the situation, to justify it and to refuse to run the risk of challenge and prophetic truth telling. As a result, they denied the demands of the gospel and refused solidarity with the powerless and oppressed. This is called Christian quietism (Boesak & DeYoung 2012:1). This study in its attempt to critique the South Africa TRC from a theological ethical perspective will point out that, the TRC which was obviously the product of the negotiated settlement needs to be understood against the background of the global struggle of particularly Third-World countries which were resisting authoritarian regimes put in place by the West for the benefit of the West. As such, this study will point out how the West, in their attempt to keep a grip on the Third-World countries – particularly on their resources – had to recommend and promote their notion of democracy. Democracy became the only option for Third-World countries as a result of the fall of the Soviet Union. It must, however, be mentioned that the problem is not democracy but the manifestation thereof under capitalism. This is because the notion of democracy was recommended to Third-World countries when capitalism was becoming global. As such, this presented some contradictions because democracy emphasizes joint interests, equality and common loyalties whilst capitalism is based on self-seeking inequality and conflicting individual and group interest (Terriblanche 2002). This means that a transition to democracy (especially constitutional democracy) means that the former oppressor or dispossessor will hold on to economic power. As such, the sudden interest of both the NP and the corporate sector in South Africa to a transition to democracy needs to be understood against this background. This study will argue and demonstrate how the ANC was outsmarted during the negotiations in that, at the formal negotiations, the ANC won political power whilst the NP/corporate sector in South Africa won economic power. This is mentioned to here to point out that both the elite compromise reached at the formal and informal negotiations and the influence of the Latin-American truth commissions led to the inability or unwillingness of the TRC to uncover the truth about systemic exploitation. As such, this study will argue and demonstrate that, on the one hand, reconciliation was not added to the truth commission for the purpose of confronting the country with the demands of the gospel and, on the other hand, the TRC was set up (from its inception) for failure. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Theological Ethics)