The purpose of this thesis is to assess Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan before and after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. I argue that the nature of the relationship was transformed by the region becoming the centre of Cold War conflict, and show how Pakistan’s role affected the development of the mujahidin insurgency against Soviet occupation. My inquiry begins by assessing the historical determinants of the relationship, arising from the colonial legacy and local interpretations of the contested spheres of legitimacy proffered by state, tribe and Islam. I then map the trajectory of the relationship from Pakistan’s independence in 1947, showing how the retreat of great power rivalry following British withdrawal from the subcontinent allowed for the framing of the relationship in primarily bilateral terms. The ascendance of bilateral factors opened greater possibilities for accommodation than had previously existed, though the relationship struggled to free itself of inherited colonial disputes, represented by the Pashtunistan issue. The most promising attempt to resolve the dispute came to an end with the communist coup and subsequent Soviet invasion, which subsumed bilateral concerns under the framework of Cold War confrontation. Viewing the invasion as a major threat, Pakistan pursued negotiations for Soviet withdrawal, aligned itself with the US and gave clandestine support to the mujahidin insurgency. External support enhanced mujahidin military viability while exacerbating weaknesses in political organization and ideology. Soviet withdrawal in 1989 left an unresolved conflict. Faced with state collapse and turmoil across the border, heightened security concerns following loss of US support, and intensified links among non-state actors on both sides of the frontier, the Pakistan government drew on its recently gained experience of working through non-state actors to attempt to maintain its influence in Afghanistan. There would be no return to the relatively stable state-state ties prevailing before 1979.

In the last decade, scholars have recognized economic development and modernization as crucial themes in the history of the twentieth century and the ‘global Cold War.’ Yet while historians have written lucid histories of the role of the social sciences in American foreign policy in the Third World, far less is known on the Soviet Union’s ideological and material support during the same period for countries like Egypt, India, Ethiopia, Angola, or – most prominently – Afghanistan. This dissertation argues that the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan is best understood as the final and most costly of a series developmental interventions staged in that country during the latter half of the twentieth century by Afghans, Soviets, Americans, Germans and others. Cold War-era Afghanistan is best understood as a laboratory for ideas about the nation-state and the idea of a ‘national economy.’ One can best understand Afghanistan during that period less through a common but ahistorical ‘graveyard of empires’ narrative, and more in terms of the history of the social sciences, the state system in South and Central Asia, and the ideological changes in ideas about the state and the economy in 20th century economic thought. Four chapters explore this theme, looking at the history of the Soviet social sciences, developmental interventions in Afghanistan prior to 1978, a case study of Soviet advisors in eastern Afghanistan, and Soviet interventions to protect Afghan women. Making use of new materials from Soviet, German, and American archives, and dozens of interviews with former Soviet advisors, this dissertation makes a new and meaningful contribution to the historical literature on the Soviet Union, Central Asia, and international history.

This research examined the lived experiences of an Afghan Muslim male participant group. This study explored their immigration from a Southwest-Asian, highly non-secular society to a Western-style, liberal, secular nation-state. Further, this research was an examination of Muslim male identity as an attribute that is closely related to lived experiences, environment and cultural assimilation. Also, this study looked closely at the meanings that this Afghan Muslim male immigrant group attached to identity, as well as exploring their unique narratives during pre-immigration and post-immigration periods. This qualitative research study used narrative methods to unearth the lived experiences of five Afghan Muslim male citizens. These participants immigrated to the U.S. while serving as interpreters and translators for the coalition forces during the Afghanistan War between 2003 and 2012. Several researchers have examined Muslim immigration from Eastern to Western nations, focusing on their adaptation, assimilation, and developmental patterns. The research objective of this study was slightly different and important to social science in that it focused on how a select group of Afghan Muslim males conceptualized their own sense of identity and how their notion of identity was shaped and influenced by their own pre- and post-migration experiences. To this end, the discoveries in this study revealed that the nature of the identities for many in this study may be deemed more blended and in some instances renegotiated, holding onto parts of their core native identities while embracing aspects of the cultural, ethnic, and social elements of their new host land that fit within their own individual frame of reference.

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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis compares the Western response to two radical challenges in eras considerably removed in time: the 1900-1901 Boxer rebellion in China and today's Islamic terror. It brings a much-needed historical perspective to bear in assessing the strengths and weaknesses of the contemporary Western conceptualization of the al-Qaeda and Taliban threat as a "clash of civilizations." It demonstrates that the current struggle against Islamic fundamentalism is not an altogether new challenge to Western interest and values. Al-Qaeda and the Taliban are in the end an expression of the same forces of resistance that also led to the origination of the Boxers in 19th century China. The cultural pressure that the West unavoidably developed by its imperialistic policy in the 19th and early 20th centuries was replaced by the penetration of the world with values, standards and symbols of the Western way of life and civilization in the course of globalization. The West ought to understand that the current terrorist threat is not "the next stage of history," as some scholars erroneously puts it, but a known historical phenomenon in a new form, for which neither the West nor other cultures bear the blame. / Major (GS), German Army

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Terrorism is the principal threat to global and national security in the post-11 September world. Facing terrorist threats at home and abroad, the United States has declared counterterrorism its top priority. As the United States embarks on its global counterterrorism campaign, it must draw on the experience of other countries. Specifically India, with an extensive history of counterterrorism efforts, can reveal important lessons applicable to America's endeavors. India offers three primary examples of counterterrorism strategies: Punjab, its northeast region, and Kashmir, from which four findings emerge. First, aggressive military operations are central to beating terrorism. Second, economic and social development programs, though not enough to end terrorism alone, are essential components of the larger national strategy. Third, terrorism cannot be stopped without international assistance. Terror networks export personnel, knowledge, weapons and money across international boundaries with growing frequency. This cannot be effectively stopped without a coordinated national and international effort. Fourth, to be successful, a counterterrorism strategy must engender the public's support for the government and promulgate a sense of public ownership to the conflict. By applying these lessons from the Indian case study, America's efforts to end terrorism both domestically and internationally will be significantly more productive. / Captain, United States Air Force

The renewed interest in empire, particularly in its British and American variants, has brought into sharper relief the difficulties both metropoles faced in projecting order in the global south. Far from cohesive entities, the British and American empires tried to manage territories that defied many of the political, economic, and legal systems, as well as normative and moral understandings, that enabled their imperial ascendancy. Despite a considerable literature about how metropoles comprehended these frustrated imperial plans, limited insights can be found into the way Britain and the United States coped with the influence of war in the uneven expansion of order. This challenge is brought into focus by examining one of the most direct formulations of the relationship between war and order in US and British imperialism, namely the concept of warlord. The concept’s history, it is argued, provides a glimpse into the far-reaching influence cultural constructions of war had in how US and British policymakers, journalists, and advocates conceived of and projected order in the non-European world. Such influential understandings also inspired overstated conclusions about the degree to which both imperial powers could realise their visions of order in the global south. Drawing on discursive and historical methods, the dissertation develops a conceptual framework that distils the core features of ‘warlords’ in the US and British imperial imaginaries. This conceptual approach is used to revisit some of the most formative encounters with colonial and contemporary ‘warlords’, as captured in British and American policy debates, political commentary, and popular culture, during two highpoints in British and American imperial history, 1815-1914 and 1989-2006 respectively. These arguments bring to the forefront how instead of an ancillary part of conclusions about the inferiority of non-European cultures, as suggested in much of the post-colonial literature, notions of war conditioned many of Britain and the United States’ enduring conception of and strategies for managing the uneven development of order in the global south.

Terrorism is a modern and constantly developing problem which has been threatening and noticeably affecting the protected interests and built-up values of states. Terrorist groups strive to spread fear, violence, opinions, and ideas to reach their goals through attacks on the population. Today, even countries that have not faced this threat yet, are confronted with this problem. Modern trends and new technologies along with the migration crisis cause that we face this threat in our homes more than ever before. The upraise of The Islamic State can be considered as a phenomenon of today, which has infected practically whole world and gives a space to various individuals to commit terrorist attacks under the auspices of this organization, or just provides instructions on committing such acts for any reason and with different aims. It is necessary to respond adequately to this threat, and it is necessary not to remain only with regret after every terrorist attack. It is essential to monitor the latest trends in terrorist attacks same as fighting against them, which in consequence will help us to set up operational procedures how to deal with these kind of incidences. There is also a need for a strong political spectrum which understands that these measures will never be profitable or popular, however its necessary it keeps supporting them.

<p>Trots satsningar på att rekrytera fler kvinnor har Försvarsmakten fortfarande en låg andel kvinnor anställda i myndigheten.</p><p>Försvarsmakten har svårt att fullfölja kraven på en ökad andel kvinnor på alla nivåer i internationell tjänst med knappt fem procent kvinnliga yrkesofficerare. Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka vilka förutsättningar som fanns att rekrytera kvinnor till två missioner i Afghanistan, FS 14 och FS 15, att jämföra de båda missionernas rekrytering, samt att beskriva hur väl Försvarsmakten nådde upp till regeringens krav avseende kvinnlig representation i internationell tjänst.</p><p>Uppsatsen beskriver först de förutsättningar, dokument och andra styrande faktorer som ligger till grund för rekryteringen. Därefter jämförs resultaten för de båda missionerna och diskuterar de likheter och skillnader som finns.</p><p>Undersökningen visar att förutsättningarna att rekrytera kvinnor till FS 14 och FS 15 inte var särskilt goda med tanke på de fåtal procent kvinnliga yrkesofficerare som var anställda i Försvarsmakten. Intressant är att de två missionerna lyckades olika väl med rekryteringen av kvinnor, där FS 15 rekryterade fler trots ett mindre rekryteringsunderlag.</p><p>En slutsats är att den rekryteringsprocessens utformning bidrar till det låga antal kvinnor i internationell tjänst.</p> / <p>The Swedish Armed Forces is an organization having difficulties achieving a higher representation of women, nationally as well as internationally. Since the founding of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 in year 2000, which addresses the issue women, peace and security, the Swedish Government has formed an action plan demanding more women to be recruited to the Armed Forces. A variety of measures have been taken but women are still not even a minority among officers at only 4.7 percent. This thesis studies and compares the female representation in two missions to Afghanistan in 2008. The study is based on literature and statistics. The results do not attempt to picture a general image of the conditions applying to recruiting women, since the study is reduced to two missions in 2008. It can, however give some general indications since the statistics can be applied to the representation of women in the Swedish Armed Forces in general.</p><p>   The results show that the Swedish Armed Forces did not manage to recruit enough women to either of the missions in order to fulfil the demand set by the government. Never the less, this study shows that the Armed Forces was not far from reaching the goals set by the Swedish government in the category female officers. A possible explanation to the negative results is the way the recruitment process is constituted together with the lack of precise instructions concerning the recruitment of women.</p>

Trots satsningar på att rekrytera fler kvinnor har Försvarsmakten fortfarande en låg andel kvinnor anställda i myndigheten. Försvarsmakten har svårt att fullfölja kraven på en ökad andel kvinnor på alla nivåer i internationell tjänst med knappt fem procent kvinnliga yrkesofficerare. Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka vilka förutsättningar som fanns att rekrytera kvinnor till två missioner i Afghanistan, FS 14 och FS 15, att jämföra de båda missionernas rekrytering, samt att beskriva hur väl Försvarsmakten nådde upp till regeringens krav avseende kvinnlig representation i internationell tjänst. Uppsatsen beskriver först de förutsättningar, dokument och andra styrande faktorer som ligger till grund för rekryteringen. Därefter jämförs resultaten för de båda missionerna och diskuterar de likheter och skillnader som finns. Undersökningen visar att förutsättningarna att rekrytera kvinnor till FS 14 och FS 15 inte var särskilt goda med tanke på de fåtal procent kvinnliga yrkesofficerare som var anställda i Försvarsmakten. Intressant är att de två missionerna lyckades olika väl med rekryteringen av kvinnor, där FS 15 rekryterade fler trots ett mindre rekryteringsunderlag. En slutsats är att den rekryteringsprocessens utformning bidrar till det låga antal kvinnor i internationell tjänst. / The Swedish Armed Forces is an organization having difficulties achieving a higher representation of women, nationally as well as internationally. Since the founding of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 in year 2000, which addresses the issue women, peace and security, the Swedish Government has formed an action plan demanding more women to be recruited to the Armed Forces. A variety of measures have been taken but women are still not even a minority among officers at only 4.7 percent. This thesis studies and compares the female representation in two missions to Afghanistan in 2008. The study is based on literature and statistics. The results do not attempt to picture a general image of the conditions applying to recruiting women, since the study is reduced to two missions in 2008. It can, however give some general indications since the statistics can be applied to the representation of women in the Swedish Armed Forces in general.    The results show that the Swedish Armed Forces did not manage to recruit enough women to either of the missions in order to fulfil the demand set by the government. Never the less, this study shows that the Armed Forces was not far from reaching the goals set by the Swedish government in the category female officers. A possible explanation to the negative results is the way the recruitment process is constituted together with the lack of precise instructions concerning the recruitment of women.