I oktober år 2000 antog FN:s säkerhetsråd resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) som behandlar kvinnor, fred och säkerhet. Detta var första gången kvinnors status i säkerhetspolitik behandlades på högsta internationella nivå, och resolutionen är delvis en produkt av lobbyarbete gjort av kvinnors NGO:s. Denna studie ämnar undersöka vilka potential UNSCR 1325 har för uppluckrandet av ojämlika mönster i könspositioner som finns inom fältet för fred och säkerhet. Studien består av en idéanalys och en praktisk analys som görs utifrån tre dimensioner ur feministisk teori. Analysen visar att de idéer resolutionen vilar på inte utmanar de rådande snäva mönster i könspositioner som finns i dagens säkerhetspolitik och har därför heller inte potential att göra det praktiskt. Emellertid visar analysen att resolutionen har potential att bidra till jämställdhet mellan kvinnor och män genom att uppmuntra till kvantitativ jämställdhet på maktpositioner. Nyckelord: UNSCR 1325, feminism, könspositioner, kvinnor, fred, säkerhet Antal ord: 22564 Abstract / In October 2000, the UN Security Council adopted resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) that discusses women, peace and security. This was the first time that women’s status in security issues is treated on this level of international politics, and the resolution is partly a product of the lobbying of women’s NGO:s. This study aims to examine what the potentials of UNSCR 1325 are in loosening the unequal patterns of gender roles in the area of peace and security. The study consists of an analysis of ideas and an analysis of the practical aspects of the resolution, on the basis of the dimensions of feminist theory. The analysis shows that the ideas upon which the resolution is based do not challenge the existing patterns of gender roles in today’s politics of security, and the resolution has therefore not the potential to do so in practice either. However, the analysis shows that the resolution does have the potential to contribute to equality between men and women through its encouragement of quantitative equality between the sexes in positions of power. Keywords: UNSCR 1325, feminism, gender roles, women, peace, security Word count: 22564

In this thesis, I explore how the duration of missions affects the participation of women in United Nations (UN) peace operations. I argue that women are less likely to be deployed in the early stages of missions because new missions are associated with high levels of uncertainty which is ultimately a type of risk. Instead, women’s participation will increase as the uncertainty decreases and the operating environment becomes more predictable. I also test if more gender equal force contributing countries are less prone to deploy women to new missions due to a stronger gendered protection norm constraining deployment of women to risky environments. Applying a large-N approach, this thesis studies the proportion of women in military contributions to UN peace operations between 2009 and 2015. Using a set of multilevel mixed-effects generalized linear models, the main argument initially find empirical support. But, when the main findings are challenged through robustness tests, the results become somewhat ambiguous and it is not sound to exclude the possibility that unobserved factors drive the empirical results. This thesis does not find more gender equal countries to be less prone to deploy women to the early stages of missions. Rather, countries which see higher levels of gender equality seem more prone to deploy larger proportions of women, regardless of when the deployment takes place.

This study examines and problematizes how the Resolution 1325 has impacted women's inclusion in two developing countries. The study focuses on how the resolution 1325 has affected and increased women's inclusion in peacebuilding since the implementation in Rwanda (2009) and Sierra Leone (2010). To analyse the results a theoretical framing is used, which is Empowerment theory and Feminist Approaches to Peacebuilding. This thesis uses a comparative literature method to compare the impacts in the two cases and critical reading is used while searching for material in e.g. scientific articles and in reports. Based on the theoretical framing and the material that are used in this thesis, the study concludes that Rwanda and Sierra Leone have experienced different results from the implementation of resolution 1325. This study concludes that the implementation of resolution 1325 in Rwanda has worked as a tool to push gender equality further in peace processes as in the parliament and in the security sector, alongside women's organizations and activists since 2009. The results in Sierra Leone concludes that the implementation of resolution 1325 has progressed the work within peacebuilding as the proportion of women has increased in peace processes and in the police and security-sector since 2010. However, the development in Rwanda had come further before the implementation of resolution 1325 and therefore the results differ in these countries.

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The aim of this research is to study the Ukrainian implementation of UNSCR 1325 from a feminist security perspective. This has been done by focusing on the pillars of participation and protection. The pillars have been operationalized into indicators whereas participation is analyzed in terms of women's participation in civil society, politics, the security sector, peace processes and the participation of IDPs. Protection has been analyzed in terms of protection from conflict related sexual violence and gender-based violence, protection of women IDPs, protection from trafficking, and economic and labor protection. The method used is an empirical case study where the case of Ukraine is explained through a feminist security perspective. The findings show that while the Ukrainian government has taken on some measures to increase the participation and protection of women, there are still challenges remaining in both areas. Finally, this research has contributed with bridging the gap between the work on UNSCR 1325, feminist security studies and the Ukrainian context.

The global Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda has been established to address the widerange of issues and challenges faced by women in conflict and post-conflict situations, and acknowledge the vital role that women play in peace processes. Previous research has shown that although the women refugees are more vulnerable than their male counterparts, this group is still widely underrepresented in WPS policy. There is a gap between the WPS agenda and research on refugees. Women are only recognised as actors within the WPS agenda when they are geographically in the zone of conflict, and this does not extend to women who have been forced to flee. This thesis aims to investigate the policy representation of refugee and displaced women within African WPS national action plans (NAPs). In doing so, the research explores the theoretical concept of human security, and how it is related to feminist security studies and refugees, in order to understand the importance and relevance of including refugee and displaced women into national WPS policy. Within the theoretical discussion, the theories that have guided this thesis are also discussed, namely feminist research methodology and ‘What’s the Problem Represented to Be?’ (WPR) as an analytical tool. The material for analysis is all available African WPS-NAPs, there are 22 of them used in this research. These NAPs are analysed using a multi-method approach, three methods used to answer the research questions. First, a qualitative case study to ascertain if refugees and displaced people are represented in these WPS-NAPs, secondly, a thematic analysis to critically analyse these representions as they relate to four pillars central to the WPS framework, and finally, an illustrative case study of the Cameroon to offer descriptive insight into how policy problem representations are implemented in the practical world. The main conclusions reveal that African states do mentioned refugees and displaced people in WPS-NAPs, acknowledging the validity of the ‘women in conflict on the move’ actor within WPS; secondly, it concludes that each African WPS-NAP analysed creates a multitude of problem representations, and discusses the policy implications of this according to WPR theory. Finally, it concludes that the actual implementation of WPS-NAPs in the realm of refugee and displaced persons is still not fullyrecognised, despite the inclusion in policy. Therefore, more specific policy actions should be integrated into WPP-NAP policy planning and drafting in order to prevent fueling the real life insecurity of these groups, making them more marginalized and vulnerable.

Even after the introduction of the UNSCR 1325 and subsequent resolutions, women’s leadership in the context of the WPS Agenda remains very low, despite the clear stance of the UN towards a support of an increased participation of women in peace and security processes. The aim of this thesis is to specifically address women’s leadership in the Swedish Armed Forces (SAF) in the framework of peacekeeping operations, looking at the way the gender perspective is applied in the SAF through the introduction of the Handbok Gender, adopted in 2016. Since the focus of this research is on women, the theoretical perspective utilised as reference point is feminism and specifically a feminist constructivist approach with an institutional focus. Mixed research methods have been applied in order to collect the data, while the main centre of attention of this project has been a critical discourse analysis of the mentioned gender policy. Sweden has been chosen as case study because of the relevance of its singular feminist policies (Wallström’s statement that Sweden is pursuing a feminist foreign policy is a clear example), nevertheless the conclusions appear to be quite contradictory because even in a country which officially identifies as feminist women’s leadership in peacekeeping operations is very low.

Under 2017 påbörjades arbetet med att ta fram en Albansk handlingsplan för genomförandet av UNSCR 1325. Arbetet utmynnade i framtagandet av ett utkast som fastställdes i maj 2017 med målet om att anta slutgiltig version under 2018. Denna studie ska undersöka vilka förutsättningar den albanska handlingsplanen har för att lyckas och identifiera eventuella riskområden där implementationen riskerar att stöta på problem. För att uppfylla studiens syfte kommer en innehållsanalys göras av utkastets innehåll. Innehållsanalysen utgår från två uppsättningar av faktorer: de generella rekommendationerna som har sin grund i tidigare dragna erfarenheter om vad som utgör en framgångsrik handlingsplan, och de landspecifika rekommendationerna som tagits fram för Albanien utifrån den nationella kontexten. Resultatet av innehållsanalysen visar att handlingsplanen i viss mån följer det tidigare dragna erfarenheterna på området, dock med några tydliga brister. Studien presenterar tre riskområden där implementationen av handlingsplanen riskerar att stöta på problem. Avslutningsvis lyfts tio kompletterande rekommendationer inför antagandet av den slutgiltiga albanska handlingsplanen.

This paper presents a gender analysis of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1820(2008), the International Human Rights Law and the International Humanitarian Law. The study is regarding resolution 1820 as a breakthrough in the writings of legal documents that criminalizes sexual violence against women in internal armed conflict. Using textual analysis and a feminist theoretical approach the study highlights the construction of gender norms in the legal document. The study suggests that the narrative of legislative bodies of the IHL and IHRL is dominated by masculinity. Furthermore I am discussing if such norms are evident as a form of essentialism in the legal document, if essentialism is apparent in local and international juridical systems, and what effect does it have on the resolution 1820.

There is a feminist scholarly debate on what role military institutions play in translating the goals of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda into practice. Where idealists on the one side question if militaries should ever be involved with such responsibilities and argue that feminist purposes risk being co-opted. Whereas pragmatists on the other, argue that military institutions can be ‘regendered’ and transformed to better engage with feminist visions of security and thus implement the agenda meaningfully. To go beyond this debate there is a need to include the perspectives of those who work with bringing these policies into practice during operations. The conclusions in this thesis rely on a qualitative interview study with Swedish civilian and military gender advisors (GENADs) to attempt to bridge the disagreement described above. These GENADs constitute a central mechanism within the implementation and can therefore provide an increased understanding of the military’s role in the implementation of the WPS agenda. It intends to explore how their experiences can shed further light on the debate between pragmatists and idealists. Through an abductive thematic analysis, it is possible to interpret the answers from the semi-structured interviews conducted as three dilemmas: instrumentalization, military hierarchies, and civil-military collaboration. The findings suggest that the debate is simplified as the arguments on both sides of the debate appear to correspond with reality within international operations. It is therefore suggested that the debate should leave its deterministic mentality between idealist and pragmatist notions and shift its focus from asking whether at all, to in which situations and how militaries should play a role within the implementation. It is also contended that more emphasis in research needs to be on how to create organizational change in norms and attitudes at a systemic level.