Emotions are an essential part of development. There is evidence that young children understand and express emotions through facial expressions. Correct identification and recognition of facial expressions is important to facilitate communication and social interaction. Emotions are represented in a wide variety of symbol sets and systems in Alternative and Augmentative Communication (AAC) to enable a person with little or no functional speech to express emotion. These symbols consist of a facial expression with facial features to distinguish between emotions. In spite of the importance of expressing and understanding emotions to facilitate communication, there is limited research on young children’s ability to recognize emotions represented by graphic symbols. The purpose of this study was to investigate the ability of typically developing fouryearold children to recognize basic emotions as represented by graphic symbols. In order to determine their ability to recognize emotions on graphic symbols, their ability to understand emotions had to be determined. Participants were then required to recognize four basic emotions (happy, sad, afraid, angry) represented by various graphic symbols, taken from PCS (Johnson, 1981), PICSYMS (Carlson, 1985) and Makaton (Grove&Walker, 1990). The purpose was to determine which graphic symbol the children recognized as representation of an emotion. Results showed that the emotion of happy was easier to recognize, which might be because it was the only emotion in the pleasure dimension of emotions. Sad, afraid and angry were more difficult to recognize which might be because they fall in the displeasure dimension. It is also evident from the findings that the facial features in the graphic symbol play an important part in conveying a specific emotion. The results that were obtained are discussed in relation to previous findings. Finally, recommendations for future use are made. / Dissertation (MA (Augumentative and Alternative Communication))--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Centre for Augmentative and Alternative Communication (CAAC) / MA / unrestricted

本論文以列維納斯(Emmanuel Levinas)早期的著作《整體與無限》(Totality and Infinity)為啟蒙探討其倫理思想所提倡的他者哲學，進而分析阿爾比《誰怕吳爾芙？》劇中的倫理關係(ethical relationship)。列氏試圖顛覆古典哲學以降的本體論霸權，並提倡他者哲學為第一哲學。論文第二章以列氏思想對於西方哲學傳統的批判為主調，揭開整體性(totality)或本體論(ontology)之暴力性。列氏反思與抨擊西方哲學淪於以自我為中心的自我學(egology)並泛稱其為本體論。本體論中對於他者的認知往往是藉由一個中立的詞來化約他者為同者。同者把他者當成一個主題或客體的展現以便理解或掌握他者；他者在此認知過程中被納入同者的整體當中，因此他者在黑格爾辯證法中被否定為「非我」；他者甚至被同化為「另一個我」；海德格式本體論獨尊存有(Being)的同時，與他者的關係被矮化為廣泛的存有關係。藉由否定、同化等手法，他者被化約為「非我」、「另一個我」以及存有的一部份，並納入同者的整體範疇當中。在《誰怕吳爾芙？》劇中同者對於他者的整體性暴力(totalizing violence)化約過程透過數個例子可一窺其究竟。第一例為同者對他者的「化約」：瑪莎所講述的拳擊故事中，瑪莎父親要求喬治與其對打，呈現出瑪莎父親欲強迫喬治接受其所定義的男子氣概形象。第二例為同者對他者的「同化」：尼克所影射的遺傳學工程願景中，人人被創造為同一模樣，透露出同者欲同化他者的野心。第三例為同者對他者的「否定」：瑪莎刻意與尼克發生性關係來激怒喬治，並否定喬治的男人尊嚴。第三章著重於尼克與蜜糖的來訪所帶來的影響，如同他者的出現般，要求喬治與瑪莎做出回應。在列氏倫理中，他者與同者的關係乃是一種「離開」(separation)的狀態。唯有在此「離開」的狀態中，他者的激進他異性(the alterity of the Other)方成可能。他者的激進他異性使他者不會落入同者的整體性暴力之中，讓他者成為絕對他者並延伸出他者的無限性。他者的臉龐(face)，或可稱為他者在這世上所留下的痕跡(trace)，向我呼喚並索求倫理責任。在此劇中，尼克與蜜糖的出現猶如他者的出現般震撼了喬治與瑪莎的幻想世界。喬治與瑪莎虛構自己生了一個兒子來滿足他們現實生活中的失望與空虛，就像列氏倫理所描述他者未出現前，同者在其所處的外在世界中找到有別於自我的物質，並賴以生存所產生的喜悅般，這虛構的孩子對喬治和瑪莎而言，是他們私密幻想世界中最大的幸福喜悅與慰藉寄託。但因瑪莎過於沉溺在自我幻想世界之中，不小心在蜜糖面前將兩人虛構的孩子說溜嘴而惹喬治生氣。虛構的孩子永遠不會變成真人，也無法擁有列氏所提出的他者的激進他異性；尼克與蜜糖的來訪猶如他者的降臨般，使得喬治與瑪莎私密幻想世界中虛構出來的孩子，一旦公開後卻成為現實生活中互相爭執的核心。在瑪莎宣稱她結婚的意義是不斷地鞭打折磨喬治時，喬治才終於領悟到瑪莎真的生病了而且病得不輕。更重要的是，瑪莎的不貞與其背後所表現出帶有毀滅性的整體性暴力迫使喬治做出回應。瑪莎的不道德行為喚醒了喬治自身對於瑪莎的責任與使命感。基於對瑪莎深刻的愛與關懷，喬治做出殺掉心愛虛構孩子之沉痛決定。喬治的動機絕對不是為了報復瑪莎，而是以拯救瑪莎為出發點，避免她繼續墮入這極端的整體性暴力。第四章為本論文的終章；透過數個例子(尤其是瑪莎的通姦)，解析列氏所批判的本體論式整體性暴力之多重面貌，本篇論文指出喬治對瑪莎的深切關懷，恰恰實現列氏倫理思想中的他者哲學，正是一種為他人著想的哲學。 / This thesis examines the totalizing violence overrunning in Albee's Who's Afraid of Virginia Woolf? and a call for responsibility to and for the Other in Emmanuel Levinas's propositions of ethical relationship. In this play, the illusion of life can also be counted as an inconvenient truth, yet the playwright urges people to acknowledge the difference between illusion and reality. George and Martha build their marriage on a life game, their imagined son. When Nick and Honey arrive, an interrelation between private and public and illusion and reality disturbs all four characters. Martha's totalizing indulgence goes into extremes when she is lost in her fantasy world gradually and commits adultery deliberately. Sensing the seriousness of Martha's situation, George finally wakes up from his own illusion and decides to kill the imagined son for Martha's sake. It is an act of profound love and care that George dispels the illusion in his and Martha's marriage life. Chapter Two examines different forms of ontology, which is embodied by the three major philosophical systems: I and not-I in the Hegelian dialectic, ego and alter ego, and the Heideggerian primacy of Being and then demonstrates various examples of the totalizing violence through the reduction of Martha's father, the symbolic assimilation of Nick, and, particularly, the destructive negation of Martha. Committing adultery is an extreme manner to claim one’s power. George's reaction to Martha's ethical transgression is crucial. Chapter Three explores one's responsibility to and for the Other in the ethical relationship between self and other and argues that George’s decision of killing the imagined son reflects Levinas's ethical concern. Recognizing his own alienation from society and deciding to take the responsibility to help Martha eliminate her internalized ontological violence, George fully represents Levinas's concept of responsibility to and for the Other. A dialogue of Albee's dramatic text and Levinas's propositions highlight the importance of ethical relationship between self and other on a genuine basis. Through their works about violence and compassion, both Albee and Levinas have high concern for the Other.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Almendra.pdf: 8997695 bytes, checksum: 1e3a7d4092ded783206ebdf52c7dd5dc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-11 / The agony and the insecurity generated by the violence can not be solved exclusively by the police presence, or purely and simply for the truculent and intimidated action of the police agent. We need to abandon repressive and punitive practical considered inefficient and not capable, in favor of more effectiveness actions that privilege the distributive system of properties, opportunities and power. Impunity of the delicts needs to be finished. According to this perspective, in Campinas Metropolitan Region we are going to note an urban growth completely disordered (particularly in the peripheric poor regions, where clandestine occupations, land divisions and slum quarters represent the commoner format), unemployment of the poorest part of the population and the smaller level of education, exaggerated concentration of the rich people in the hands of a small part of the population (creating a social contrast extremely accentuated), lack of assistencial and urban structure that reaches a great part of the poorest peripheric population (point of convergence (meeting) of various highways), complemented with a high acquisitive power (in terms of Brazil) of the population. These factors, in its conjunct, become the Region an attraction center of violence and criminality. In Campinas Metropolitan Region, the Organized Crime, particularly that dedicated branch to the traffic of drugs and weapons find a lucus extremely favorable, because the region is rich and crossing point of important highways connecting to the coast an the North to the South of the country, having penitentiary complexes, besides being a pioneer area o PCC (First Command of The Capital) actuations, presents hegemonic in all its area inside and outside of the penitentiaries. The word of the Traffic in the Region presents similar characteristics of the ones found in Sao Paulo than in Rio de Janeiro. The geographic configuration represented by the relief, better transit condition in Campinas peripheral areas, facilitates the escapement of the trafficker ant the blitz moments. We don t find in the Region serious rivalries among factions because the hegemony was conquered by the PCC, that acts much more as a franchise firm, asking for the associated traffickers protection and logistic support (supplying weapons, vehicles and judicial protection as the dono of areas or boca de trafico . They act inside an eminently enterprise structure, the reason why it will have to be more studied by the economists inside a Criminal Economy . It doesn t exist a clear assistance by outlaws in relation to the population because the Silent Law is more guaranteed by the violence than by the relations of complicity, assistance and protection. About all the other characteristics, proper of the organization of the space by the Traffic, we are going to find them in the Campinas Metropolitan Region, since is an area of important influence of the city of Sao Paulo, the reason why any public politics of combat and prevention to the violence and criminality will have to be, before everything, integrated with similar politics for all there regions. If urgent measures were not adopted to try to control the violence and the criminality in the Region, in few year we will have situations extremely complicated for life quality, crack seems to be the drug that is going to have terrify increase, especially with the presence of the super-crack cheaper and devastator / A angústia e insegurança geradas pela violência não podem ser solucionadas exclusivamente pela presença policial, ou, pura e simplesmente, pela ação truculenta e intimidatória do agente policial. Precisamos abandonar as práticas repressivas e punitivas, consideradas ineficientes e pouco eficazes, em favor de práticas mais atuantes que privilegiem o sistema distributivo de bens, oportunidades e poder. A impunidade dos delitos precisa acabar. Dentro dessa perspectiva, na Região Metropolitana de Campinas vamos perceber um crescimento urbano completamente desordenado ___particularmente nas regiões periféricas e mais pobres, onde ocupações, loteamentos clandestinos e favelas representam o formato mais comum___, desemprego de grande parcela da população mais pobre e de menor nível de escolaridade, concentração exagerada da riqueza nas mãos de uma parte pequena da população ___gerando um contraste social extremamente acentuado___, falta de infra-estrutura urbana e assistencial ___que atinge grande parte da população periférica mais pobre___, além da localização estratégica da cidade. Na Região Metropolitana de Campinas, o Crime Organizado, particularmente aquele ramo dedicado ao tráfico de drogas e armas, encontra um lócus extremamente favorável, visto ser a região rica, entroncamentos de rodovias importantes ligando o interior ao litoral e o Norte ao Sul do país, tendo vários complexos penitenciários, além de ser uma área pioneira de atuação do PCC Primeiro Comando da Capital, que se apresenta hegemônico em toda a sua área, dentro e fora dos presídios. O mundo do tráfico na Região apresenta características mais próximas daquelas encontradas em São Paulo que do Rio de Janeiro, graças à geografia local, ao tipo de relação entre as facções do tráfico local, ao tipo de relação entre o tráfico e a população, além da proximidade entre Campinas e a capital do estado. De fato, a configuração geográfica, representada pelo relevo, oferece melhores condições de trânsito nas áreas periféricas campineiras, facilita a fuga dos traficantes em momentos de blitz. Na Região não encontramos rivalidades sérias entre facções, visto a hegemonia ter sido conquistada pelo PCC, que age muito mais como empresa de franquia, cobrando dos associados traficantes proteção e apoio logístico (fornecimento de armas, veículos e proteção judicial), que como dona de áreas ou bocas de tráfico. Age dentro de uma estrutura eminentemente empresarial, razão pela qual deveria ser mais bem estudada pelos economistas dentro de uma Economia Criminal. Não existe um assistencialismo claro por parte dos bandidos em relação à população, sendo que a lei do silêncio é muito mais garantida pela violência que propriamente por relações de cumplicidade, assistencialismo e proteção. No que tange a todas as outras características, próprias da organização do espaço pelo tráfico, vamos encontrá-las na Região Metropolitana de Campinas, visto ser uma área de influência marcante da cidade de São Paulo, razão pela qual qualquer política pública de combate e prevenção à violência e criminalidade deverá ser, antes de tudo, integrada com políticas semelhantes para todas essas regiões. Se não forem adotadas medidas urgentes para se tentar controlar a violência e a criminalidade na Região, dentro de poucos anos teremos situações extremamente complicadas para a sua qualidade de vida: o crack parece ser a droga que mais proximamente vai ter um aumento assustador, particularmente com a presença do supercrack , muito mais barato e devastador

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:56:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Almendra.pdf: 8997695 bytes, checksum: 1e3a7d4092ded783206ebdf52c7dd5dc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-11 / The agony and the insecurity generated by the violence can not be solved exclusively by the police presence, or purely and simply for the truculent and intimidated action of the police agent. We need to abandon repressive and punitive practical considered inefficient and not capable, in favor of more effectiveness actions that privilege the distributive system of properties, opportunities and power. Impunity of the delicts needs to be finished. According to this perspective, in Campinas Metropolitan Region we are going to note an urban growth completely disordered (particularly in the peripheric poor regions, where clandestine occupations, land divisions and slum quarters represent the commoner format), unemployment of the poorest part of the population and the smaller level of education, exaggerated concentration of the rich people in the hands of a small part of the population (creating a social contrast extremely accentuated), lack of assistencial and urban structure that reaches a great part of the poorest peripheric population (point of convergence (meeting) of various highways), complemented with a high acquisitive power (in terms of Brazil) of the population. These factors, in its conjunct, become the Region an attraction center of violence and criminality. In Campinas Metropolitan Region, the Organized Crime, particularly that dedicated branch to the traffic of drugs and weapons find a lucus extremely favorable, because the region is rich and crossing point of important highways connecting to the coast an the North to the South of the country, having penitentiary complexes, besides being a pioneer area o PCC (First Command of The Capital) actuations, presents hegemonic in all its area inside and outside of the penitentiaries. The word of the Traffic in the Region presents similar characteristics of the ones found in Sao Paulo than in Rio de Janeiro. The geographic configuration represented by the relief, better transit condition in Campinas peripheral areas, facilitates the escapement of the trafficker ant the blitz moments. We don t find in the Region serious rivalries among factions because the hegemony was conquered by the PCC, that acts much more as a franchise firm, asking for the associated traffickers protection and logistic support (supplying weapons, vehicles and judicial protection as the dono of areas or boca de trafico . They act inside an eminently enterprise structure, the reason why it will have to be more studied by the economists inside a Criminal Economy . It doesn t exist a clear assistance by outlaws in relation to the population because the Silent Law is more guaranteed by the violence than by the relations of complicity, assistance and protection. About all the other characteristics, proper of the organization of the space by the Traffic, we are going to find them in the Campinas Metropolitan Region, since is an area of important influence of the city of Sao Paulo, the reason why any public politics of combat and prevention to the violence and criminality will have to be, before everything, integrated with similar politics for all there regions. If urgent measures were not adopted to try to control the violence and the criminality in the Region, in few year we will have situations extremely complicated for life quality, crack seems to be the drug that is going to have terrify increase, especially with the presence of the super-crack cheaper and devastator / A angústia e insegurança geradas pela violência não podem ser solucionadas exclusivamente pela presença policial, ou, pura e simplesmente, pela ação truculenta e intimidatória do agente policial. Precisamos abandonar as práticas repressivas e punitivas, consideradas ineficientes e pouco eficazes, em favor de práticas mais atuantes que privilegiem o sistema distributivo de bens, oportunidades e poder. A impunidade dos delitos precisa acabar. Dentro dessa perspectiva, na Região Metropolitana de Campinas vamos perceber um crescimento urbano completamente desordenado ___particularmente nas regiões periféricas e mais pobres, onde ocupações, loteamentos clandestinos e favelas representam o formato mais comum___, desemprego de grande parcela da população mais pobre e de menor nível de escolaridade, concentração exagerada da riqueza nas mãos de uma parte pequena da população ___gerando um contraste social extremamente acentuado___, falta de infra-estrutura urbana e assistencial ___que atinge grande parte da população periférica mais pobre___, além da localização estratégica da cidade. Na Região Metropolitana de Campinas, o Crime Organizado, particularmente aquele ramo dedicado ao tráfico de drogas e armas, encontra um lócus extremamente favorável, visto ser a região rica, entroncamentos de rodovias importantes ligando o interior ao litoral e o Norte ao Sul do país, tendo vários complexos penitenciários, além de ser uma área pioneira de atuação do PCC Primeiro Comando da Capital, que se apresenta hegemônico em toda a sua área, dentro e fora dos presídios. O mundo do tráfico na Região apresenta características mais próximas daquelas encontradas em São Paulo que do Rio de Janeiro, graças à geografia local, ao tipo de relação entre as facções do tráfico local, ao tipo de relação entre o tráfico e a população, além da proximidade entre Campinas e a capital do estado. De fato, a configuração geográfica, representada pelo relevo, oferece melhores condições de trânsito nas áreas periféricas campineiras, facilita a fuga dos traficantes em momentos de blitz. Na Região não encontramos rivalidades sérias entre facções, visto a hegemonia ter sido conquistada pelo PCC, que age muito mais como empresa de franquia, cobrando dos associados traficantes proteção e apoio logístico (fornecimento de armas, veículos e proteção judicial), que como dona de áreas ou bocas de tráfico. Age dentro de uma estrutura eminentemente empresarial, razão pela qual deveria ser mais bem estudada pelos economistas dentro de uma Economia Criminal. Não existe um assistencialismo claro por parte dos bandidos em relação à população, sendo que a lei do silêncio é muito mais garantida pela violência que propriamente por relações de cumplicidade, assistencialismo e proteção. No que tange a todas as outras características, próprias da organização do espaço pelo tráfico, vamos encontrá-las na Região Metropolitana de Campinas, visto ser uma área de influência marcante da cidade de São Paulo, razão pela qual qualquer política pública de combate e prevenção à violência e criminalidade deverá ser, antes de tudo, integrada com políticas semelhantes para todas essas regiões. Se não forem adotadas medidas urgentes para se tentar controlar a violência e a criminalidade na Região, dentro de poucos anos teremos situações extremamente complicadas para a sua qualidade de vida: o crack parece ser a droga que mais proximamente vai ter um aumento assustador, particularmente com a presença do supercrack , muito mais barato e devastador

Since its publication and first performance, Edward Albee’s Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf?, has often been interpreted with regard to the theme of truth and illusion. A less studied, but nonetheless important, aspect of the drama concerns its relation to C. P. Snow’s concept of the two cultures. In this essay, I argue for the convergence of these two discussions, resulting in an epistemological understanding of Albee. From this mode of interpretation, not only is a rejection of the two cultures noticed, but also a dramatic movement towards a third culture. Thus, Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf? is treated as an epistemological drama of ideas.

El propósito de este estudio es abordar el concepto de espacio y, en particular, su desocupación, a través de tres obras: Caja Vacía/Metafísica de Jorge Oteiza, Who´s afraid of red, yellow and blue de Barnett Newman y el Pabellón de Alemania de Ludwig Mies van der Rohe. El discurso se construye a través de un transitar sobre la banda de Moebius y en su vaivén y en su doblez aparecen y desparecen imágenes, ideas y textos sobre los que fluye la voluntad de construir una interpretación nueva sobre el objeto descrito. Martin Heidegger, Gilles Deleuze y Gaston Bachelard son los tres sostenes teóricos de esta estructura. Y más cerca y más lejos de este texto siempre se mantiene la difícil tarea de entender cuál es la forma de habitar y de ser (Ich bin) del hombre en la tierra. / The purpose of this study is to address the concept of space and, in particular, its disoccupation through three different pieces of work: Empty/Metaphysical Box by Jorge Oteiza, Who´s afraid of red, yellow and blue by Barnett Newman and German Pavilion by Ludwig Mies van der Rohe. The discourse is constructed through a move on the Moebius band, its swing and double apparition and disappearance of images, ideas and texts which build a new interpretation of the subject matter. Martin Heidegger, Gilles Deleuze and Gaston Bachelard are the three theorists of this structure. The difficult task of understanding what is the way of living and being of man (Ich bin) on earth always remains what is closer and further away from this text.