Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Xenophobic hostility is not an unfamiliar concept – it is practiced all over the world, also in South Africa. Defined by the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) as a deep dislike of non-nationals by nationals of a recipient state, it constitutes a violation of the human rights of a targeted group, threatening the very principals upon which the young democracy is modelled on. What distinguishes xenophobia in South Africa from the rest of the world is its violent manifestation. In this country xenophobia is more than just an attitude, it is a violent practise, fuelled by racism, intolerance, ignorance and incapacity to deliver on developmental expectations. The 2008 xenophobic attacks in major centres in South Africa stunned the local and international communities, causing researchers to rush in search of answers. Just as the furore turned into complacency, on 17 November 2009, 3000 Zimbabwean citizens living in the rural community of De Doorns in the Western Cape were displaced as a result of xenophobic violence. Reasons for the attacks vary, with some blaming the contestation for scarce resources, others attribute it to the country’s violent past, inadequate service delivery and the influence of micro politics in townships. In assessing the reasons for the attacks the study claims that the third tier of government in terms of its Constitutional developmental mandate fails to properly engage with communities on their basic needs; that its inability to live up to post-apartheid expectations triggers frustration into violent xenophobic action. The De Doorns case offers valuable insight into the nature and scope of the phenomenon in rural areas, highlighting local government’s community participation efforts in exercising its developmental responsibility and dealing with the issue of xenophobia. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Xenofobie is nie ’n onbekende verskynsel nie, dit kom reg oor die wêreld, ook in Suid- Afrika voor. Gedefinieer deur die Suid Afrikaanse Menseregte Kommissie as ’n diep gesetelde afkeur aan vreemdelinge deur die inwoners van ’n gasheer land, verteenwoordig dit ’n skending van menseregte en hou dit ’n bedreiging vir die jong demokrasie in. Xenofobie in Suid-Afrika word gekenmerk deur die geweldadige aard daarvan. Hier verteenwoordig dit meer as ’n ingesteltheid, dit is ’n geweldadige uiting van gevoelens, aangespoor deur, rassisme, onverdraagsaamheid, onverskilligheid en die onvermoë om aan ontwikkelings-verwagtinge te voldoen. Die 2008 xenofobiese aanvalle in die stedelike gebiede van Suid-Afrika het die land en die wêreld diep geraak en ’n soeke na oplossings ontketen. Op 14 November 2009 word die gerustheid na die 2008 woede erg versteur toe 3 000 Zimbabwiërs in De Doorns in die Wes-Kaap deur xenofobiese geweld ontheem is. Redes wat aangevoer word wissel vanaf mededinging vir werksgeleenthede tot die land se geweldadige verlede, onvoldoende dienslewering en die invloed van mikro politiek in woonbuurte. Met die oorweging van redes vir die aanvalle maak die studie daarop aanspraak dat die derde vlak van regering in terme van sy Konstitusionele ontwikkelings-mandaad gefaal het om na behore met die gemeenskappe rondom hul behoeftes te skakel, dat die regering se onvermoë om aan die post-apartheid verwagtinge te voldoen frustrasie in xenofobiese geweld laat oorgaan het. Die De Doorns geval bied waardevolle insig in die aard en omvang van xenofobiese geweld in landelike gebiede en lê klem die plaaslike regering se hantering van openbare deelname in terme van sy ontwikkelings verpligtinge.

In the year 2004 South Africa celebrated its first ten years of democracy, which reflected the success of the struggle for the liberation of this country. The year 1960 was considered as a year of strong resistance throughout South Africa. Political leaders like Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Robert Sobukwe, Raymond Mhlaba, Chief Albert Luthuli, Walter Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada, Lionel Bernstein, Dennis Goldberg and others played a vital role in leading the black people to resist the plan of the current Prime Minister Hendrick Verwoerd, who deprived Africans of their citizenship by forcing the Bantustan system upon them. On the 6th June 1960 more than four thousand Pondos from eastern Pondoland (Bizana, Lusikisiki, Flagstaff and Ntabankulu) met at Ngquza Hill with the intention of discussing their problems. They demanded the withdrawal of the hated system of the Bantu Authorities Act, the representation of all South Africans in the Republic's Parliament, relief from increased taxes and the abolition of the pass system. Before these problems were tabled before the people, a military force had occupied Ngquza Hill. The peaceful meeting was turned into a massacre of innocent people, when police shot victims, tear-gassed them and beat them with batons. Eleven people were killed, many of them were shot in the backs of their heads; and more than 48 casualties were hospitalized and arrested. The Paramount Chief, Botha Sigcau, was blamed for the massacre because he was seen as supporting the government, and this led to the uprising in Pondoland from 1960 to 1963. This event happened three months after the Sharpeville shooting of the 21st March 1960. More than 200 casualties were reported and 69 unarmed protesters were shot dead outside the police station. The ANC and PAC, the liberation movements of the day, were banned and a state of emergency was declared. The Nationalist government suspected the African National Congress of being behind the revolt in Pondoland. The ringleaders of the Pondo Revolt were Mthethunzima Ganyile, Anderson Ganyile, Solomon Madikizela and Theophulus Ntshangela. They listed the Acts that were to be protested against as follows: The Bantu Authorities Act of 1951, the Bantu Education Act of 1953, the Pass Law System of 1952, as well as rehabilitation and betterment schemes. These Acts were imposed by the National Party through Paramount Chief Botha Sigcau. All were detrimental to the future of the Pondo people. Church leaders such as Beyers Naude, Ben Marais and Bartholomeus Keet of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), Archbishop Geoffrey Clayton and Archbishop Desmond Tutu of the Anglican Church, Rev Charles Villa-Vicencio of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa, Allan Boesak of the Dutch Reformed Mission Church (DRMC) and others played a major role in confronting and challenging the Nationalist government, which justified apartheid as grounded on Scripture. Not all church leaders opposed this policy: the Dutch Reformed Church was the bedrock of apartheid, along with other Afrikaans speaking churches. This dissertation will serve as a tool to determine the involvement of the church regarding the Pondo Revolt in South Africa from 1960 to 1963. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Church History)

The thesis is about the relationship between State and Church, taking note of alternative relations which existed over the ages. The government of Bophuthatswana declared their state to be Christian. The main emphasis was that the Batswana were religious people who were deeply Christian and thus the state was to become Christian as well. This was not separated from the issue of land which also was seen as a gift from God for them. Winterveld was used as a case study to show how the state was justifying its own actions to discriminate against non-Batswana from obtaining citizenship and denying them access to land. The transition period showed that the church stood on the other side of the fence when it supported changes that were sweeping South Africa and calling for the end of states such as Bophuthatswana. This saw the new secular state of South Africa coming into existence. / Theology and Religion / D. Th. (Church History)

The thesis is focused on the question of how responsibilities for the performance of public functions are assigned to levels or spheres of government. The term "public function" refers to the activities performed by governments in order to satisfy identified community needs. There is a paucity of validated knowledge concerning the particular phenomenon, and the purpose of the study is to make a research based contribution in this connection. Because of the exploratory nature of the study particular attention is paid to the orientation of the research in Public Administration terms, as well as to research design. A study of the assignment of responsibilities in a selection of foreign countries was undertaken, and the findings are recorded and evaluated. The conclusion reached is that in none of the countries studied a clear, comprehensive demarcation of governmental responsibilities has been achieved. Regarding South Africa, the thesis encompasses a historical overview, followed by separate analytical examinations of the arrangements set in place by the 1993 ("interim") and the 1996 ("final") Constitutions. In the pre-democratic era (1910 to 1994), ideological considerations patently played a prominent role. The treatment of the assignment question by the 1993 Constitution is found to have had substantial shortcomings, especially with regard to conceptual and technical aspects, the realisation of assignment principles, and the substance of assigned responsibilities. In the author's opinion a satisfactory deployment of responsibilities was not achieved. The 1996 Constitution improved the assignment scheme, notably through the better realisation of assignment principles, the introduction of exclusive powers for the provinces, and in dealing with the municipal domain. However, the 1996 Constitution also did not achieve a credible and clear-cut assignment of responsibilities. In assessing the degree to which a scientific approach to the assignment question is in evidence, the finding is that such an approach has not been established. A theoretical assignment model, following a Public Administration approach, is then presented. The model covers language, classification, assignment principles, and methodology. The thesis concludes with a reflection on the research, as well as on the practicalities of achieving improvement in the assignment of responsibilities. / Public Administration and Management / D. Litt. et Phil. (Public Administration)

The arts in many countries, but particularly in developing ones, are coming under increasing financial pressure and finding it difficult to justify the increases in government funding needed to maintain and grow the cultural sector. The trend in cultural economics, as well as in other areas, appears to be towards including qualitative valuations, as well as the more traditional quantitative ones. This thesis argues that the value of cultural events should include long term historical qualitative analysis, financial or economic impact and a valuation of the positive externalities provided by cultural events and that any one of these should only be regarded as a partial analysis. Four methods of valuing the arts using the South African National Arts Festival (NAF) as an example are demonstrated. Firstly, a qualitative historical analysis of the role of the NAF in South Africa’s transformation process from Apartheid to the democratic New South Africa is examined, using theories of cultural capital as a theoretical basis. It is argued that the value of cultural events needs to take into account long-term influences especially in countries undergoing political and social transformation. The second valuation method applied is the traditional economic impact study. Four economic impact studies conducted on the NAF are discussed and methodologies compared. It is concluded that, despite the skepticism of many cultural economists, the method can provide a useful partial valuation and may also be used for effective lobbying for government support of the arts. Chapter four discusses willingness to pay studies conducted at the NAF in 2000 and 2003 (as well as a pilot study conducted at the Klein Karoo Nationale Kunstefees). It is found that lower income and education groups do benefit from the positive externalities provided by the Festival and that this is reflected in their willingness to pay to support it. It is also argued that such contingent valuation studies can provide a reasonably reliable valuation of Festival externalities, but that they may be partly capturing current or future expected financial gains as well. Finally, the relatively new choice experiment methodology (also called conjoint analysis) is demonstrated on visitors to the NAF. The great advantage of this method in valuing cultural events is that it provides part-worths of various Festival attributes for different demographic groups. This enables organizes to structure the programme in such a way as to attract previously excluded groups and to conduct a cost-benefit analysis for each part of the Festival.

The historic year of 1994 marked the demise of the apartheid government and its replacement with a new era of participative democracy in South Africa. Government in the new South Africa adopted a decentralised structure underpinned by chapter three of the Constitution (1996). Consequently, there are three spheres of government, which are, national, provincial and local levels. These spheres are obliged and mandated to mutually cooperate and support each other through peaceful interactions termed intergovernmental relations (IGR) which are aimed at achieving a cooperative system of government. IGR is institutionalised through forums which cut-across all spheres of government and such structures are established by the Intergovernmental Relations framework Act (No. 13 of 2005). Sustained intergovernmental cooperation can lead to an integrated and coordinated system of government, which can, deliver services effectively while meeting the needs of the citizens and ultimately promoting sustainable socio-economic development in South Africa.The aim of this empirical study was to assess the role played by cooperativegovernment and intergovernmental relations in promoting effective delivery of services in the Amathole District Municipality (ADM). Local government is the ‘grassroots’ government and it is where the actual rendering of services is situated which was reason behind the choice of the study area by the researcher. The study adopted amixed-method research paradigm in which both the quantitative and qualitative research paradigms were triangulated to ensure that the validity and reliability of the research findings is improved. Data in the study was gathered from a representative sample of seventy (70) respondents carefully selected using non-random sampling designs, viz, judgmental and snowball sampling. The study used both primary (questionnaires and interviews) and secondary (documentary analysis) sources of data to achieve the research objectives as validly as possible. Respondents in the study comprised of municipal officials, IGR practitioners, representatives from Community Based Organisations and the residents of ADM. Data analysis was done using the Statistical Package of Social Sciences (SPSS) software and the mains findings of the study were that; ADM has got IGR forums in existence although some of these are dormant and dysfunctional, only three out of the seven local municipalities in ADM are cooperative in IGR, there is general lack of political will on the side of politicians in terms of support of IGR initiatives, political factionism and interferences is crippling IGR and cooperation, the legal framework for IGR needs revision and revamping, there are still communities without access to basic services in ADM, public sector planning cycles are fragmented and need synergisation and IGR is not being monitored and evaluated. The study therefore recommended that; the relevant stakeholders in IGR should be fully dedicated towards cooperation, planning cycles for public entities need to be synergised, the National Planning Commission (NPC) should take an oversight role in the entire planning process, the legislation should be enacted which has a clause for punitive action being taken against those who fail to cooperate in IGR and the national, provincial and local governments should prioritise access to basic services in communities cooperatively.

The study took a qualitative approach to the analysis of the effect of the politics-administrative interface on municipal service delivery. It was a case study of the Mnquma local municipality in the Eastern Cape Province. The researcher developed a keen interest in researching on the topic because the political infighting and clashes between politicians and administrators of the municipality have caused a public outcry for the root causes of the infighting to be effectively addressed and redressed. It is hoped that the findings and recommendations of the study will help, reshape public policy implementation, service delivery and fostering of mutual cooperative relations between politicians and administrators both at local government level and any other sphere of government in South Africa. The study, is categorized into five chronological chapters, with chapter one (introduction and background), chapter two (literature review), chapter three (research design and methodology), chapter four (data analysis, interpretation and presentation) and chapter five (conclusions and recommendations). The researcher used a sample size of 40 respondents who were selected using snowball sampling, a non-random sampling design spread accordingly over both politicians and administrators. Data collection was made possible through an open-ended questionnaire, interviews, observations and documentary analysis. Various reports and media statements were also used to augment this empirical study. The study also used an in-depth qualitative data analysis technique which was descriptive in nature and the study made numerous deductions and findings based on the collected and collated data. Findings of the study were, inter alia, too much politicization of the public sector, interference between politicians and administrators into each other’s affairs and vice versa and adverse effects of cadre deployment which are damaging service delivery. The study made numerous recommendations which included, inter alia, training and development of administrators and politicians on their respective roles and responsibilities, enforcement of the politics-administrative interface as a mutually beneficial approach to service delivery, need for proper interpretation of Acts and policy documents and the enforcing of section 139 interventions into municipalities.

This study focuses on Steve Biko’s Africana existential phenomenology, with particular emphasis on the themes of blackness, black solidarity and liberation. The theoretical foundation of this thesis is Africana existential phenomenology, which is used as a lens to understand Biko’s political thought. The study argues that thematic areas of blackness, black solidarity, and liberation are inherent in Africana existential phenomenology. These thematic areas give a better understanding of existential questions of being black in the antiblack world. What is highlighted is the importance and the relevance of the revival of Biko’s thinking towards creating other modes of being that are necessary for the actualisation of blacks as full human subjects. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)

Kwame Nkrumah was the first African leader to pursue the idea of Africa’s continent-wide unity with fervour. Many thought that African unity will only be the pooling of poverty and that Nkrumah’s dream was impossible. Nkrumah was known for his philosophy "Seek ye first the political kingdom and all things shall be added unto it". He thought that political unity should precede economic unity, which would naturally follow. Even though the newly independent African states agreed on the necessity of unity, his philosophy was not welcomed when the Organisation of African Unity was established in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) in 1963. Rather, delegates opted for incremental political integration leading to economic integration –an aspiration that Africa is still struggling to bring to fruition. This study demonstrates that Nkrumah’s idea of political unity before economic integration was and still is valid for Africa’s continent-wide unity. To this end, the study will use textual sources and use diachronic and integrative approaches as analytical tools. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

Global research shows that media owners tend to influence the editorial direction of their newspapers. Such influence generally tends to be in line with the media owner’s economic and / or political interests. Naturally, this is a challenge because media is regarded as the fourth estate and is supposed to be an objective yet effective channel for the citizenry to make informed decisions about their world. The study seeks to find out if the owners of four daily newspapers in South Africa, based on their political proximity; may have influenced their newspapers to be biased in favour or against any of the three biggest political parties contesting the 2016 Local Government Elections. This study is an exploratory and descriptive content analysis based on an Agenda Setting theoretic framework – supported by framing analysis and game framing. Findings reveal the correlation between the media owner’s interests and the biased reporting within their respective newspaper. This suggests that although media may not be directly or explicitly forced to adopt a specific ideology, it can be argued that political relations with media owners can influence editorial decisions. Therefore, it can be inferred that media owners of The New Age, The Citizen and The Star influenced editorial content of their newspapers during the 2016 local government elections. Given the findings of this study and the elections scheduled for 2019 in South Africa, it is important for more political communication studies to be conducted in order to establish guidelines for unbiased news reporting across all media – including newspapers. Alternatively, to compel media owners to declare their bias towards and against specific political parties in each news content, upfront. Particularly important during election period, is the need for each media (including newspapers) to have an independent editor – potentially one from the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) to ensure that each piece of content produced is validated as bias or impartial. / Communication Science / M.A. (Communication Science)