Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / Liberation movements came into being across the entire African continent as a political response to colonisation. However, Africa has in this field, as in so many others, been largely understudied, in comparison to revolutionary movements in South America and South East Asia. While many case studies on specific liberation movements exist, very few are comparative in nature. This study will do precisely that using the framework of Thomas H. Greene. The resistance movements in South Africa and Zimbabwe, then Rhodesia, consisted of several organisations, but the ones that emerged as the most powerful and significant in the two countries were the ANC and ZANU respectively. Although their situations were similar in many ways, there were other factors that necessarily led to two very different liberation struggles. This study looks closer at these factors, why they were so, and what this meant for the two movements. It focuses on the different characteristics of the movements, dividing these into leadership, support base, ideology, organisation, strategies and external support. All revolutionary movements rely on these factors to varying degrees, depending on the conditions they are operating under. The ANC and ZANU both had to fight under very difficult and different circumstances, with oppressive minority regimes severely restricting their actions. This meant that the non-violent protests that initially were a great influence for the leadership of both movements – especially with the successes of Mahatma Gandhi in South Africa and India, inevitably had to give way to the more effective strategies of sabotage and armed struggle. Like other African resistance movements, nationalism was used as the main mobilising tool within the populations. In South Africa the struggle against apartheid was more complex and multidimensional than in Zimbabwe. Ultimately successful in their efforts, the ANC and ZANU both became the political parties that assumed power after liberation. This study does not extend to post-liberation problems.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although gender equality is evident in many spheres in African countries, the entry of women into political institutions has often been described as slow and unequal. In sub-Saharan African countries this trend is particularly associated with social, cultural and historical barriers within political spheres that hinder gender equality in political leadership and an equal representation of women in parliament. The issues of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament have long been hotly contested debates on the continent and in sub-Saharan African countries more specifically, largely as a result of different cultural heritages and countries‟ being poised at varying phases within the democratic consolidation process. It is necessary to evaluate attitudes towards gender equality in order to determine whether a populace embraces the principles of gender equality. Of equal significance is the evaluation of the percentage of women represented in parliament as an important indicator of whether gender equality is perceived by the populace to be an important principle in practice. In order to gauge the levels of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament in sub-Saharan Africa, this study evaluates attitudes towards gender equality and a number of its dimensions, namely women in leadership positions, equal education and the economic independence of women; it also investigates the representation of women in parliament by examining the actual numbers of women representatives in parliament in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This in an attempt to determine whether there is a link – either directly or indirectly – between attitudes towards gender equality and the number of women represented in parliament. For comparative purposes the attitudinal patterns and trends towards gender equality, as measured in the World Values Survey 2001, are evaluated amongst respondents in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This study also identifies four independent variables, namely gender, level of education, residential status (urban vs. rural) and age in an attempt to explain some of the differences in attitudes towards gender equality between the three samples. iii The main findings include, amongst others, that: the South African sample has by and large the most positive attitudes towards gender equality in comparison to its Ugandan and Zimbabwean counterparts; and that a higher percentage of women are represented in the South African parliament in contrast to Uganda and Zimbabwe. The independent variables prove to be fairly good predictors of the varying attitudes towards gender equality across the three samples. This study concludes that in sub-Saharan Africa positive attitudes towards gender equality can indeed be linked to a higher percentage of women represented in parliament; however, the inverse – that negative attitudes towards gender equality can be linked to low percentages of women represented in parliament – is not substantiated. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel geslagsgelykheid sigbaar is in baie sfere in Afrika lande word die toegang van vroue tot politieke instellings dikwels beskryf as stadig en ongelyk. In sub–Sahara Afrika-lande word hierdie neiging in besonder geassosieer met sosiale, kulturele en historiese hindernisse binne politieke instellings wat geslagsgelykheid in politieke leierskap en gelyke verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement belemmer. Die kwessie rondom geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement is ʼn sterk debat op die Afrika kontinent en meer spesifiek in sub-Sahara Afrika-lande, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van verskillende kulturele tradisies en verskille in die fases van demokratisering. Dit is nodig om die houdings ten opsigte van geslagsgelykheid te evalueer om te bepaal of ʼn bevolking die beginsels van geslagsgelykheid aanvaar. Hiermee saam is die evaluering van die persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlement ʼn belangrik aanwyser van die feit dat geslagsgelykheid deur die bevolking as ʼn belangrike beginsel beskou word. Ten einde die vlakke van geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlemente in sub-Sahara Afrika te meet, bespreek hierdie studie die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en ʼn aantal van sy dimensies, naamlik vroue in leierskap posisies, gelyke opvoeding en die ekonomiese onafhanklikheid van vroue. Dit bestudeer ook die vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlemente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie poog verder om te bepaal of daar ʼn verbintenis - direk of indirek - bestaan tussen die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en die aantal vroue verteenwoordigers in die parlemente van die lande onder bespreking. Die studie se doel is om vas te stel of positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van vroulike verteenwoordigers in die parlement. Vir vergelykende doeleindes, is die houdingspatrone en neigings teenoor geslagsgelykheid, soos gemeet in die die Wêreld Waardes Opname, ondersoek tussen die respondente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die studie identifiseer ook vier onafhanklike veranderlikes, naamlik geslag, opvoedingvlak, woongebied (stedelik vs plattelands) asook ouderdom, in ʼn poging om sommige van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid tussen die drie lande te verduidelik. v Die vernaamste bevindings sluit onder meer in dat: Suid-Afrika by verre die sterkste positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid het in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe; en, dat daar ʼn hoër persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die Suid-Afrikaanse parlement is, in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die onafhanlike veranderlikes blyk redelike goeie voorspellers te wees van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsykheid regoor die drie lande. Die studie kom tot gevolgtrekking dat binne hierdie drie lande, positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement, maar dat die teenoorgestelde - dat negatiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn laer persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in parlement – nie ondersteuning in die data kry nie.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Political risk analysis is considered one of the essential ingredients in decision making processes when investing abroad. The Iranian Revolution and the oil crisis in the 1970s accentuated this need as investors increasingly felt the need for a proper assessment of the risks involved in establishing a business in other countries. Negative images of African countries combined with conventional risk models which are not able to accurately assess the political risk realities of post-conflict African countries, may be one of the reasons for why African countries struggle to attract a substantial amount of FDI. This study suggests that alternative risk models which are more African-orientated may aid in improving this situation. This study has analysed the political risk of Sierra Leone using a conventional risk model, and an African-orientated political risk model. The aim of this study was to assess whether conventional political risk models need to be adjusted to be able to more accurately assess the political risk of post-conflict African countries. The main research question guiding this study was:  Are conventional risk models able to objectively rate the political risk of post-conflict countries in Africa? The conclusion of this research was that African-orientated political risk models are able to more accurately assess the political risk of a post-conflict African country such as Sierra Leone. This is mainly due to the soft variables used in a political risk model and also the relationship between the variables included in the models. The African-orientated political risk model needs to be analysed further, but this research has made clear the need for a reevaluation of existing political risk models to be better equipped when analysing post-conflict African countries. This will not only benefit African post-conflict countries in improving their risk ratings, but also provide foreign investors with a more accurate identification of the potential political risks facing an investment in post-conflict African countries. It was acknowledged in this study that the political risk analyses of Sierra Leone were not conducted by someone who has inside information of the political risk models used which is a limitation iii for the results of this study. It is, however, possible to detect potential weaknesses with each political risk model and possible areas of improvements. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke Risiko Analise word as een van die belangrikste bestandele in die besluitnemingsproses geag wanneer daar oorsee belê word. Die Iranese Rewolusie en die Olie krisis in die 1970’s het hierdie nood beklemtoon, aangesien beleggers toenemend die belang van deurdagte assesering van die risikos in verband met die oprigting en instandhouding van besighede in ander lande erken het. Negatiewe opvattings van Afrika lande, tesame met konventionele risiko modelle wat nie geskik is on akkurate asseserings van politike risiko realiteite op te lewer, is dalk van die redes waarom Afrika lande sukkel om groot Direkte Buitelandse Beleggings te lok. Hierdie studie stel voor dat alternatiewe risiko modelle wat meer Afrika-gesind van aard is die situasie kan help oorbrug. Hierdie studie het die politieke risiko situasie van die Sierra Leone analiseer aangaande‘n konvensionele riskio model en met behulp van’n Afrika-georienteerde politieke risiko model. Die studie het gepoog om te assesseer of die konvensionele modelle van politieke risiko gewysig moet word om in staat te wees om meer akkuraat te oordeel in verband met politieke risiko in post-konflik Afrika lande. Die hoof navorsingsvraag wat die studie gedryf het is die volgende: Is die konvensionele risiko modelle in staat om objektief te werk te gaan om die politieke risiko van post-konflik lande in Afrika te meet? Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie navorsing is dat die Afrika-georienteerde politieke risiko modelle meer gepas is om die politike risiko van post-konflik lande soos Sierra Leone te meet. Dit is hoofsaaklik die geval weens die sagte veranderlikes wat gebruik word in’n politieke risiko model asook die verband tussen die veranderlikes wat in die model ingesluit word. Die Afrika-georienteerde politieke risiko model moet verder uitgebrei word, alhoewel hierdie navorsing dit duidelik maak dat die belang bestaan vir‘n herevaluering van die bestaande politieke risiko modelle om beter toegerus te wees om analise van post-konflik Afrika lande uit te voer. Dit word erken dat hierdie studie van die politieke risiko van Sierra Leone nie uitgevoer was deur iemand wat‘n intieme kennis van politieke risiko modelle het nie. Dit is uiteindelik wel moontlik on potensiele swak plekke in die mondering van elke politieke risiko model uit te sonder, en moontlike areas van verbetering voor te stel.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the relationship between the state and mining capital in South Africa since the beginning of gold mining. It provides a historical analysis centered around the notion that neither state nor capital have been able to dominate each other wholly but retained their respective relative strength and independence. By applying a qualitative approach, this thesis seeks to determine whether this notion still holds true today, how the relationship between the state and mining capital has evolved over time and by what factors was it determined. I suggest that structurally the nature of the state-capital relationship continues to endure fifteen years after apartheid. Accordingly the thesis is organized in terms of two critical junctures, one in the 1920s and one in the long 1970s when the balance of power between the state and mining capital experienced a number of shifts. Recent developments in post-apartheid South Africa seem, as of now at least, to represent more of a continuation of the shift that materialized in the long 1970s rather than a new conjuncture of its own or one in the making. Contrasting these findings with the adamant calls of the ANCYL for a nationalization of mines indicates that nationalization as the ANCYL foresees it does not seem to be informed by a historical understanding of the mining capital-state relations and that it is ceteris paribus unlikely to materialize. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis ondersoek die verhouding tussen die staat en mynbou kapitaal in Suid-Afrika sedert die begin van die goudwedloop. Op grond van ’n historiese oorsig word daar aan die hand gedoen dat nòg die staat nóg mynbou kapitaal mekaar oorheers het en dat hierdie tendens vyftien jaar na apartheid steeds voortduur. Die magsbalans tussen die staat en kapitaal word egter gekenmerk deur twee uiteenlopende periodes, naamlik die Twintiger jare en die langdurige Sewentigs. Verwikkelinge in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika suggereer ’n voortsetting van die dinamika van die Sewentigs. Volgens onlangse uitlatings deur die ANC Jeugliga blyk dit asof die beweging nie bewus is van die kompleksiteit van hierdie historiese verhouding nie en dat dit dus hoogs onwaarskynlik is dat nasionalisering in terme van ANC Jeugliga beleid die lig sal sien.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since 1995, despite the consultative processes with regards to Rationalisation and Redeployment, many stakeholders did not accept, nor understand the rationale behind the government's drive to redistribute human resources. It is widely known that there existed immense tensions and conflicts between educators and bureaucrats on the issue, which played itself out in the Grove Primary School case, as well as the withdrawal of regulations because of a 'threatened strike', due to government's disregard for participatory democracy. Using a case study, within the Gauteng province, this research investigated the experiences and perceptions of key policy actors on the policy planning and implementation processes by tracking the development of social dialogue during this process. The conceptual framework for this study was provided in the work of Cheng and Cheung (1995), who provided a generic empirical education policy analysis model, which tracks the policy processes within linear phases. Fifty indicators were identified, which were used to measure the efficacy of the policy-making process, as well as the evolution of social dialogue in the policy discourse. This study argues that in an endeavour to implement redress and equity, the policy employed had its inherent weaknesses. The researcher used a structured questionnaire to measure key policy actors (formulators and implementers), experiences and perceptions of the process employed. The qualitative methodology, which was supported by the quantitative data analysis approach, exposed that bureaucratic attitude towards socio-political participation, a technocratic approach to educational imperatives, strong union organisation, empowered parents, and the lack of capacity at certain levels of administration to deal with resistance directly and indirectly, contributed to the ambiguous success of this policy intervention. The purpose of this research was to assist in improving the efficacy of the policy pathways, by proposing a modified strategy, which includes dialogue with all relevant role players. In focusing primarily on the analysis of the Rationalisation and Redeployment Policy process, the findings of this empirical research have therefore shown how opinions and perceptions about the efficacy of a policy process are directly linked to the experiences of policy actors with regards to social dialogue during the process. As any interventionist policy is a negotiated responsibility of all educational role players, in order to promote an enabling educative environment, the consultative, as well as the policy processes proposed in this study, are based on principles grounded in research which makes optimal use of existing structures. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert 1995, ten spyte van die konsultatiewe proses rakende rasionalisasie en her-ontplooing, het min van die rolspelers die proses aanvaar, of die rasionaal agter die regering se poging om menslike hulpbronne te herversprei verstaan. Dit is alombekend dat daar reuse spanning en konflik tussen opvoeders en burokrate, gesentreer rondom die Grove Primêre Skool saak, bestaan het. Dit het saamgegaan met die ontrekking van regulasies -as gevolg van 'n beoogde staking weens die regering se miskenning van deelnemende demokrasie. Hierdie studie maak gebruik van 'n gevalle studie in die Gauteng provinsie. Hiervolgens is daar 'n ondersoek na die ervarings en persepsies van sleutel beleidsrolspleers ten opsigte van beleidsbeplanning en implementeringsprosesse. Die hoofidee is om die ontwikkeling van die sosiale dialoog binne die provinsiale onderwys na te spoor. Die konsepsuele raamwerk word verskaf deur Cheng and Cheung (1995), wie se werk 'n generiese empiriese onderwysbeleidsontleding model voortgebring het. Hierdie model volg die beleidsproses binne liniêre fases. Vyftig aanwysers word geïdentifiseer, wat gebruik word om die effektiwiteit van die beleidsformuleringproses sowel as die evolusie van sosiale dialoog te meet. Hierdie studie voer aan dat in die poging om herverspreding en gelykberegtiging te implementeer, die rasionalisasie en her-ontplooing proses opsigself inherente swakhede gehad het. "n Gestruktueerde vraelys, om sleutel rolspelers se ervarings en persepsies van die beleidsproses te meet, is gebruik. Hierdie navorsing bring na vore die feit dat burokratiese houdings jeens sosiopolitiese deelname, "n tegnokratiese benadering tot opvoedkundige imperatiewe, sterk vakbondorganisasie, bemagtigde ouers, en bestuursvlak se onvermoë om weerstand te hanteer, bygedra het tot die dubbelsinnige sukses van hierdie beleidsintervensie. Die doel van die navorsing is om die effektiwiteit van die beleidsweë te verbeter. Dit word gedoen deur die voorstel van 'n gewysigde strategie, wat die dialoog van alle relevante rolsplers insluit. Deur primêr te fokus op die rasionalisasie en her-ontplooing proses, wys die navorsing dat opinies en persepsies rondom die effektiwiteit van 'n beleidsproses direk gekoppel is aan die ervarings van beleidsrolspelers met betrekking tot sosiale dialoog. Die konsultatiewe sowel as die beleidsprosesse wat voorgestel word in hierdie studie is gebaseer op beginsels wat opsigself gefundeer is in navorsing wat van die bestaande strukture optimaal gebruik maak.

Thesis (MA (Public and Development Management)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / 128 leaves printed single pages, preliminary pages i-ix and numbered pages 1-118. Includes bibliography and a list of figures in color and tables. Digitized at 300 dpi 24-bit Color to pdf format (OCR) using a Hp Scanjet 8250 Scanner, and digitized at 600 dpi grayscale to pdf format (OCR), using a Bizhub 250 Konica Minolta Scanner. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: "The South African Constitution (1996) promotes the improvement of liVing environments and livelihoods for all constituents by means of a developmental approach to local governance" (IDASA, 2005:2). The development role of local government can be understood through the consideration of four basic drivers which includes planning for development, governance and administration, regulation and service delivery. The Drakenstein Local Municipality is committed to ensure sustainable economic growth and development by increasing national and provincial competitiveness as well as the reduction of poverty. Key to this process is the retention and expansion of existing businesses as well as the attraction of new investment. The main focus of this research study is the promotion of business development as it forms part of local economic development (LED) and is also an integral part of integrated development planning (IDP) at local government level. The introduction of proposed targeted investment incentives is aimed at facilitating the implementation of the Drakenstein Local Municipality's strategic development objectives. The proposed intervention options should be a special effort to attract investment to the study area which will result in a positive spill-over effect in the Drakenstein Local Municipality's local economy. Intervention options can be developed in terms of investment incentives that can bring about job creation, economic development and poverty alleviation in the study area as set out in their strategic deveiopment objectives.

Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The upsurge in the number of public protests in most South African municipalities, including the City of Cape Town, continues unabated. While public protest is a democratic right, provided for in the Constitution (RSA 1996), the violent nature and persistence of protests at municipal level are a cause for concern. The associated violence often leads to the destruction of both public and private property, disruptions in economic activities, loss of lives and severe injuries to innocent victims. The prevalence of public protests continues despite the fact that the new democratic dispensation ushered in a paradigm geared for transforming local government from a racially-segregated institution into a democratic and autonomous sphere of government, with a broad developmental mandate. This new dispensation gave birth to the “invited spaces” of participation, which are aimed at providing scope for the public to influence, direct, control and own the development and decision-making processes. In order to determine factors that contribute to public protests in Khayelitsha the study adopted a qualitative research paradigm. Personal interviews, focus group discussion and participatory observation were some of the research methods used to collect primary data. The study indicates that lack of authentic and empowering public participation opportunities in the decision-making processes of the City of Cape Town alienates the public and leads to public disengagement from available municipal processes. It has been during this period of alienation that the public have been “inventing own spaces” of participation, in the form of public protests demanding that public voices be heard. The study also indicates that poverty, unemployment and glaring gaps of social inequality, reinforced by comparison to available examples in the neighbourhood, are root causes of public protests. The new public participation model that has been developed from this research should be adopted by South African municipalities as an essential public participation strategy. It empowers the public to negotiate a new “social contract” with the authorities primarily based on the public’s terms. It is only when authentic and empowering public participation is practised by municipalities that violent public protests can be minimised. Such authentic and empowering public participation provides latitude for the public to influence, direct, control and even own their “own” development and decision-making processes. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die toename in voorvalle van openbare protes in byna alle Suid-Afrikaanse munisipale gebiede, insluitend die van die Stad Kaapstad, duur onverpoosd voort. Terwyl openbare protes weliswaar ’n demokratiese reg is wat in die Grondwet (RSA 1996) verskans word, is die huidige ingeburgerde en gewelddadige aard daarvan rede tot ernstige kommer. Hierdie gewelddadigheid lei dikwels tot vernietiging van sowel openbare as private eiendom. Ook ekonomiese aktiwiteite word ontwrig; daar is lewensverlies en ernstige beserings aan onskuldige slagoffers . Die hoë voorkoms van openbare protes duur voort, ondanks die feit dat die nuwe demokratiese bestel ’n paradigmaskuif ten gunste van transformasie in die plaaslike regeringstelsel beteken het. Alles was in plek om weg te beweeg van rasgesegregeerde instellings na ’n demokratiese, outonome regeringsfeer met ’n breë, ontwikkelingsgedrewe mandaat. Hierdie nuwe bedeling het “genooide ruimtes” vir deelname geskep, wat geleentheid sou skep om invloed en rigtinggewende beheer te verkry oor daardie prosesse van besluitneming wat deelnemers se eie lewens raak. Om die faktore te bepaal wat tot openbare protes in Khayelitsha bydra, is ’n kwalitatiewe navorsingsparadigma gekies. Persoonlike onderhoud, fokusgroepbespreking en deelnemende waarneming is van die navorsingsmetodes wat ingespan is om primêre data te versamel. Hierdie navorsingstudie het bevind dat, ondanks die “genooide ruimtes”, daar steeds ’n gebrek aan egte en bemagtigende openbare deelnemingsgeleenthede in die besluitnemingsproses van die Stad Kaapstad bestaan, en dat dit die publiek vervreem en daartoe lei dat burgers hul aan die beskikbare deelnemingsgeleenthede onttrek. Gedurende hierdie periode van vervreemding het die publiek van Khayelitsha hulle eie “geskepde ruimtes” ontwikkel. Dit was gegiet in die vorm van openbare protes, waar die stemme van die algemene publiek gehoor kon word. Die studie het ook aangedui dat armoede, werkloosheid en opvallende voorbeelde van sosiale ongelykheid (te vinde in die onmiddellike omgewing) aanleidende faktore vir protesaksie was. Die nuwe openbare deelnemingsmodel wat uit die navorsing ontwikkel is, kan aan alle Suid-Afrikaanse munisipaliteite ’n onontbeerlike geleentheid bied om ’n doeltreffende openbare deelnemingstrategie te ontwikkel. Dit bemagtig die publiek om ’n nuwe onderhandelde “maatskaplike kontrak” met die owerhede, hoofsaaklik op die publiek se terme, te sluit. Slegs wanneer die publiek aan egte, bemagtigende openbare deelname blootgestel word, sal daar sprake van ’n vertrouensverhouding met die owerhede wees en sal gewelddadige protesaksie tot die minimum beperk kan word. Sodanige egte en bemagtigende openbare deelname skep ruimte vir die publiek om hulle “eie” ontwikkeling te beïnvloed en mede-beheer te bekom oor die besluitnemingsprosesse wat daarmee gemoeid is.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: District Six originated in the eighteen fifties on neighbouring wine farms close to Cape Town's city centre. The first inhabitants were Europeans, but were later joined by free slaves. By 1849 the total number of inhabitants was 2943 and as a municipal area became known as the sixth district of Cape Town. Over the years District Six developed an own unique cosmopolitan character and despite a stigma as a backward residential area District Six developed as a multiracial community with its own vibrant spirit. By 1966 there were 3700 properties of which 56% were owned by Whites, 26% by Coloureds and 18% by Indians. In the same year the area had 21 schools and 17 places of worship. One of the main causes of physical deterioration was overpopulation. The occupancy figure by the 1850's was approximately 2,5 persons per habitable room. Overcrowding led to subletting of even the smallest rooms and resulted in gross exploitation of tenants, horrific crime and moral decay, all of which contributed to the slum status of the area. In 1962 the City of Cape Town devised a pilot plan for the rehabilitation of the area, but this plan was never implemented. Years of neglect of municipal services worsened the degredation of many historic buildings as well as decent living conditions for its residents. In 1962 the Group Areas Board recommended that District Six be declared a Coloured Group Area. The N.P. government rejected this recommendation and on 11 February 1966 through Proclamation 43, declared 94 hectares of the traditional District Six as an area for White occupation. Between 1965 and 1975 the government froze all property transactions in District Six to enable them to plan the redevelopment of the area. The state made financial offers to property owners, but only 10% accepted these. The majority declined these and blamed this on inflexible property valuations of the state. By 1980 the state had spent R25 million on the acquisition of properties in District Six. Government demolition of structures took place between 1968 and 1982 and resulted in the flattenning of most buildings except for a few churches. Expropriated Coloured and Indian residents were removed to the newly created residential areas on the Cape Flats. Although some previous residents of District Six were happy with their accommodation most objected to the high bond repayments on their new homes, higher transport cost to work and the breakdown of existing communities. The biggest opposition to the declaration of District Six as an area for White occupation came from local groups, namely: The Friends of District Six and the District Six Residents', Rent and Ratepayers Association (RRR). Opposition political parties and the press used the physical and mental suffering of the residents to challenge the government. The redevelopment of District Six was characterised by continous changes to proposed plans. In 1964 the government appointed the Niemand Committee to investigate the replanning and redevelopment of District Six. In 1970 a master plan for redevelopment was recommended . In 1974 the first properties were sold to white people by the government. In 1975 the neighbouring Walmer Estate was declared a Coloured Group Area and three years later District Six was renamed as Zonnebloem. In 1979 parts of the neighbouring Woodstock and Salt River were declared Coloured Group Areas. In 1982 the Presidents Council recommended that part of District Six be returned to the Coloured community, but the government rejected this and in October 1982 year the first whites settled in District Six. The following year a part of District Six was declared Coloured area. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Distrik Ses het in die vyftigerjare van die negentiende eeu op aanliggende wynplase van Kaapstad ontstaan. Aanvanklik het Blankes van verskillende nasionaliteite daar gevestig en later het vrygestelde slawe die inwonertal laat toeneem. Teen 1849 was die inwonertal ongeveer 2943 en in 1867 het die gebied bekend geword as die sesde distrik van Kaapstad . Distrik Ses het n eiesoortige en unieke kosmopolitiese karakter ontwikkel. Ten spyte van n stigma van agterlikheid het die gebied n borrelende en veelrassige gemeenskap gehad. In 1966 was daar ongeveer 3700 eiendomme in Distrik Ses waarvan 56% aan Blankes, 26% aan Kleurlinge en 18% aan Indiers behoort het. Teen 1966 was daar 21 skole en sewentien plekke van godsdienstige aanbidding in die gebied. Oorbevolking was een van die grootste oorsake van verval in die gebied. In die vyftigerjare was die besettingsyfer van geboue ongeveer 2,5 persone per bewoonbare vertrek. Die gevolg was onderverhuring, gruwelike uitbuiting van huurders, misdaad en sedelike verval wat aan die gebied n slumstatus besorg het. Jarelange verwaarlosing van munisipale dienste het tot vervaI van gebouestrukture en Iewenstoestande gelei. Die stadsraad se loodsplan vir opruiming in 1962 is nooit geimplementeer nie. Die Groepsgebiederaad het in 1962 aanbeveel dat die gebied as n Kleurling-groepsgebied verklaar moes word. Ten spyte van die aanbeveling is 94 hektaar van die tradisionele Distrik Ses op 11 Februarie 1966 volgens Proklamasie 43 van 1966 as n Blanke Groepsgebied verklaar. Die regering het vanaf 1965 tot 1975 aile eiendomstransaksies in Distrik Ses gevries om sodoende die herontwikkeling van die gebied te beplan. Ongeveer 10% van die eienaars het die staat se aanbod vir hul eiendom aanvaar. Die meeste het egter beswaar gemaak teen die staat se onbuigsame skattings. Teen 1980 het die staat R25 miljoen bestee aan die verkryging Slopingswerk in Distrik Ses het tussen 1968 en 1982 plaasgevind. Byna aIle geboue is gesloop en slegs enkele kerke is behou. Inwoners is na verskeie woonbuurte op die Kaapse Vlakte verskuif Alhoewel sommige vorige inwoners van Distrik Ses tevrede was met hulle nuwe woonplekke was die meeste ontevrede oor die hoe verbandkoste van nuwe wonings, hoer reiskoste en die verbrokkeling van gemeenskappe. Die grootste opposisie teen die Blankverklaring van Distrik Ses was The Friends of District Six en die District Six Residents', Rent and Ratepayers' Association (RRR). Opposisiepolitieke partye en die pers het die regering se rassebeleid aangeval deur te konsentreer op die ontberinge van die inwoners. Die herontwikkeling van Distrik Ses is gekenmerk deur voortdurende verandering. In 1964 is die Niemand-komitee aangestel om die herbeplanning en herontwikkeling van Distrik Ses te ondersoek. In 1970 is n meesterplan vir die ontwikkeling van Distrik Ses aanbeveel. In Julie 1974 het die regering die eerste eiendom in Distrik Ses aan Blankes verkoop. In 1975 is die aangrensende Walmer Estate tot Kleurlinggroepsgebied verklaar. Distrik Ses is in 1978 herdoop en R9 rniljoen is bewillig vir die rehabilitasieskema. In 1979 is dele van die aangrensende Woodstock en Soutrivier tot Kleurlinggroepsgebiede verklaar. In 1980 is ri gewysigde plan vir die ontwikkeling van Distrik Ses voorgele. In 1981 het die regering die Presidentsraad se aanbeveling dat n gedeelte van Distrik Ses aan die Kleurlinggemeenskap teruggegee moes word, verwerp. In Oktober 1982 het die eerste blankes in Distrik Ses gevestig. In 1983 is n gedeelte van Distrik Ses as Kleurlinggebied verklaar.

This thesis examines the 1998 complaint of racism against the Mail & Guardian, a leading exponent of South Africa's alternative press in the 1980s, and important contemporary producer of investigative journalism. The study is framed within a cultural studies approach, analysing the Mail & Guardian as constituted by a 'circuit of production': its social context, production, texts, and audiences. The thesis makes three main arguments. First, that the claim of racism cannot be understood outside of a consideration of both the changing political milieu, and subtle changes within the Mail & Guardian itself. Significant social changes relate to the reconfiguration of racial and class identities wrought by the 'Mbeki state'. Within the Mail & Guardian, the thesis argues for the importance of the power and subjectivity of the editor as a key 'factor' shaping the identity of the paper, evidenced in its production practices and textual outputs. In this regard, the thesis departs from a functionalist analysis of particular 'roles' within the newsroom, drawing instead on a post-structuralist approach to organisational studies. Based on this production and social context, the thesis examines key texts which deal with aspects of South Africa's social transformation, and which exemplify aspects of the Mail & Guardian's reporting which led to the complaint of racism by the Black Lawyers Association (BLA) and the Association of Black Accountants (ABASA). Their complaint was that the Mail & Guardian's reporting impugned the dignity of black people, and in so doing was a violation of their rights to dignity and equality which are constitutionally guaranteed. However, as freedom of the press is also guaranteed by the South African constitution, their complaint to the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) resulted in public debate about these contending rights. My second argument relates to the jurisprudential approach to racism, and the related issue of affirmative action, which informed the complaint against the paper. Contrary to the 'normative', liberal approach to these issues, this thesis highlights Critical Race Theory as the jurisprudential basis for both the claimants' accusation of racism against the Mail & Guardian, and aspects of its implicit use in South African human rights adjudication. The thesis argues that in failing to recognise these different philosophical and political bases of legal reasoning, the media, including the Mail & Guardian, in reporting on these matters failed in their purported role of serving the public interest. The thesis concludes by applying Fraser's critique of Habermas's notion of a single, bourgeois public sphere to journalism, thereby suggesting ways in which the critiques of some of the Mail & Guardian's own journalists could be employed to enlarge its approach to journalism - giving voice to constituencies seldom heard in mainstream media.

Thesis contains the novel "Waterval" by Phyllis Sakinofsky. / Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Faculty of Arts, Department of Media, Music, and Cultural Studies, 2009. / Bibliography: p. 128-138. / PART ONE -- Introduction -- Section One -- Early history -- The apartheid years - two realities -- Post-apartheid South Africa -- The creative response of Jews to apartheid -- Section Two -- Our relationship with the past: placing narrative in the context of history -- Rememory and representation -- Telling the truth through stories -- Section Three -- Imprints of memories, shadows and silences: shaping the Jewish South African story -- PART TWO -- Waterval: a work of fiction by Phyllis Sakinofsky / This is a non-traditional thesis which comprises a work of fiction and a dissertation. -- The novel is set in South Africa and provides an account of events that took place among three families, Jewish, Coloured and Afrikaans, over three generations. -- The dissertation is constructed in three sections. The first section describes the settlement of South Africa's Jewish community, its divergent responses to apartheid and how this is mirrored in its literary output. -- In the second section, the relationship between history and fiction since the advent of postmodernism is discussed, how there has been a demand for historical truthfulness through multiple points of view and how consequently there has been an upsurge in memories and memorials for those previously denigrated as the defeated or victims. -- Fiction has been re-valued because it is through the novel that these once-submerged stories are being told. The novel has the capacity to explore uncomfortable or silenced episodes in our history, tell important truths and record stories and losses in a meaningful and relevant way. A novel might be shaped by history but it is through the writer's insights and interpretations that messages or meanings can reach many. -- South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission report is an example of how the written word can expose the relationship between the re-telling of history and finding an alternate truth. By recording the many conflicting stories of its peoples, it has linked truth and literature, ensuring an indelible imprint on the country's future writing. The past cannot be changed, but how the nation deals with it in the future will be determined by language and narrative. -- The final section is self-reflexive and illustrates the symbiotic bond between the research and creative components, citing examples from the dissertation of how the two streams influenced one another. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / 145 p