The mixed results of International Monetary Fund structural adjustment programmes in less developed countries are a major motivation for this research. Explanations must be advanced as to what may inhibit the success of such programmes. South Africa has often found itself in a precarious position- with a deteriorating balance of payments, a position similar to other countries that have accepted IMF loans. Furthermore, South Africa undertook an IMF loan in 1993. Financial support from the IMF incorporates structural adjustment programmes. These may include measures such as tighter monetary policy, reduction in the budget deficit, exchange rate devaluation and ceilings on domestic credit with increased interest rates (Ferguson, 1988). These policies illustrate the principle of ‘conditionality,’ whereby access to further loans is conditional on certain criteria being met, such as reduced budget deficits and inflation rates. The principle of conditionality has met with a great deal of criticism. Bacha (1987) and Dell (1982) argue that these aggregate demand-reducing conditions more often than not stagnate domestic economies, worsening the balance of payment and result in programme breakdowns. Essentially, they refer to the IMF conditions as ‘unrealistic.’ The IMF denies this, arguing that shortfalls are mainly due to a lack of political commitment to carry out its conditions (Winters, 1994). This issue of conditionality will be examined in detail, using three specific case studies. The aim of this study is to examine the characteristics of Brazil, Mexico and Zambia to see whether or not the IMF programmes were successful. Guidelines will be established for South African policy from these case studies. South Africa is trying to adjust to the competitiveness of the international economy. At the same time, the need for reconstruction and development exerts increasing pressures on the balance of payments. Guidelines are established for a successful economic adjustment for South Africa. The research concludes that South Africa is certainly in line for a successful transformation. The rigidities are not as extensive as has been the case in Brazil and Zambia. Institutionally, South Africa is sound. However there are still challenges in this area, such as export diversification and economic stability to attract foreign investment.

Supply Chain Management is an aspect of the procurement process which focuses on addressing the needs of both the service provider and the end user. It has a constitutional status which enables it to contribute towards addressing past discriminatory practices. It assists in correcting the imbalances of the past in the procurement of goods and services for government. Section 217(1) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (Act 108 of 1996) specifies that procurement must be fair, equitable, transparent, competitive and cost effective. Accountability is the most critical element in improving financial management in the public sector. The objective of the study was to highlight the need for accountability in Public Finance Management. Additionally, it was intended to assess the respective roles of the various processes involved in the acquisition of goods and services with the goal of enhancing accountability in the Eastern Cape Department of Safety and Liaison in Bhisho. The study was conducted at the Head Office of the Supply Chain Management Section and the district offices with officials who are responsible for the procurement of goods and services. In order to achieve the objectives of the research, a survey was conducted using the qualitative method to ensure greater understanding and reliability. Convenience sampling was applied as it allowed the researcher to select the sample that was convenient. Moreover, it made it easier to reach the available participants. Data was gathered by means of face-to-face interviews for the Head Office respondents and telephonic interviews for the respondents of the district offices. The study concluded with recommendations emanating from the research findings that are meant to assist in improving accountability in Supply Chain Management within the Eastern Cape Department of Safety and Liaison.

This research examines the relationship between business, the state and society in South Africa -- particularly the Western Cape -- over the period from 1960 to 1990, viewed against the background of economic conditions in this region, South Africa and the world. Utilising a development history approach, it is based on an extensive study of primary and secondary documentation, supplemented by a panel of in-depth interviews and observation. This study finds that the relationship between business and apartheid incorporated both functional and dysfunctional elements, although over time the benefits diminished and the costs multiplied. The latter, Regulation Theory suggests, is true for any institutional order, but it could be argued that, under apartheid, the particularly fragile and contradictory nature of the institutional arrangement made inevitable crises more rapid and more pronounced. On the one hand, apartheid restricted the economic development of the country, as a result of a range of factors from skills shortages to the visible waste of resources on grand ideological projects and security; as suggested by Resource Curse Theory, minerals windfalls tend to encourage irresponsible behaviour by governments. On the other hand, certain businesses prospered, notably the Afrikaner business sector. All business benefited from the overall growth of the 1950s and 1960s, whilst niche players often did quite well even during the 1980s. Further, the South African businessmen, both English- and Afrikaans-speaking, were skilful in adapting to the difficult conditions brought about by apartheid, and in many cases they prospered. As highlighted by Business Systems Theory, embedded social ties and informal relations may help either support or compensate for formal regulatory pressures. Many of these general trends were particularly accentuated in the Western Cape. The fact that business protests against government policies were often more motivated by concerns as to future property rights and of social disorder, rather than human rights, does indeed raise serious moral issues. However, in helping encourage political reform, they may have made a positive contribution. This study is founded on three related strands of thinking within the political economy tradition, Resource Curse Theory, Regulation Theory and Business Systems Theory, with the emerging common ground between these three bodies of thought being highlighted. As suggested by Resource Curse Theory, non-mineral producing regions tend to be particularly adversely affected in mineral rich countries, and there is little doubt that the region bore all the costs of the collapse of the gold price in the 1980s, and lacked the deeper capital base of the now Gauteng region to cushion the shock. Whilst apartheid may, as we have seen, have served conservative sectors of agriculture and mining quite well for many years, it also involved large costs incurred through social engineering experiments and the increasing demands of the security establishment. Resource Curse Theory suggests that national economies become dangerously dependent on the vagaries of commodities markets, and that the process of institutional design and evolution is hampered by assumptions of easy money which may temporary resolve the negative consequences of any institutional shortcomings. The poor price of gold in much of the 1980s brought about a crisis in the system, and, there is little doubt that this contributed to the demise of the order. As suggested by Resource Curse Theory, the experience of the Western Cape, a region of the country poor in minerals, was often one of inefficient and wasteful state intervention, coupled with increasingly poor performance of non-mineral related industries. Indeed, the effects of the recession of the 1980s were most pronounced in non-mineral producing areas of the country, particularly in the Western Cape. Regulation Theory highlights that no set of institutions and practices is ever totally coherent and functional, but at specific times may work to promote both certain types of economic activity and overall growth. It is wrong to suggest that because an order only works for some players at specific times it is simply dysfunctional or does not work properly at all. However, over time, internal contradictions mount and the benefits diminish. A particular feature of the apartheid order was that some of its core benefits at its height were particularly concentrated on some players (segments of Afrikaner commerce and industry, mining and agriculture), whilst the costs were shared across a wider range of players, with a disproportionate burden being borne by the black majority. A further feature was that the costs were often indirect and spread over many years if the benefits were sometimes immediate: this would include the persistent dysfunctionality of much of the South African education system and the criminal ecosystem that was nurtured through sanctions busting. Internal contradictions and spreading dysfunctionality rarely leads to a conscious and coherent period of institutional redesign, but rather an incoherent, experimental and contested process, such as characterized late apartheid reforms, and, indeed, the post February-1990 negotiation process. Finally, again at a theoretical level, as Business Systems Theory highlights, it is important to take account of the formal and informal ties interlinking firms in different sectors in the region, and firms and government, and the extent to which regions within a particular country may follow very distinct developmental trajectories. The benefits and the costs of the system diffused unevenly in the region, giving many players both a stake in the existing order, and an interest in some or other type of reform.

South Africa achieved its formal democracy through a negotiated settlement in 1994. Formal democracy focuses on liberty, rights and basic freedom such as freedom of speech, and the right to vote, amongst others, while substantive democracy focuses on equality, social justice, and the area of economic rights with a focus on reduction of poverty, unemployment and increased equality. It is within the substantive democratisation theoretical framework, that South Africa’s democratic achievement has not necessarily been as great as its political achievements in constructing a constitutional democracy. This is evident in the continued patterns of racialised inequality and poverty, as well as the increase in service delivery protest action, which can destabilise the democratic success achieved in 1994. The objective of economic development is to create an environment where people can enjoy economic stability, job security and health, and lead productive lives, on one hand. On the other hand, political development seeks to create an environment where people can enjoy peace, rule of law and freedom. Politics and economics therefore go hand in hand to attain wealth benefits for people and create a sufficient level of political stability within a transitioning context. South Africa has made some strides towards getting political stability and a democratic state, but much still needs to be done to reduce poverty, unemployment and inequality. Hence an argument stressing the need for a Second Transition or Economic CODESA has recently entered the sphere of political public debate. This project seeks to deconstruct and explain the discourse of the Second Transition and Economic CODESA. The studies found that centre to this debate are key redistributive issues. Poverty, inequality and unemployment are key substantive challenges that have the potential to undermine political stability if they are not effectively dealt with.

It is widely accepted by governments of many developing countries that Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is crucial to the socio-economic development of their nations and have developed various policies in an effort to attract FDI, as a result. FDI is a crucial source of technology, capital and skills for developing countries for economic growth that may ultimately lead to poverty reduction, employment creation and modernisation. However, results from many studies have been inconclusive and have failed to find a direct link between the increase of FDI and the associated socio-economic development of recipient nations. South Africa is no exception to this debate as it seeks to turn its back on decades long apartheid, which has entrenched poverty in the majority of its population and exacerbated social tensions. The main socio-economic challenges that South Africa faces include high unemployment, skills shortages, poverty and high inequality, and the 2008/2009 global financial and economic crisis has exacerbated the crisis. Despite these challenges South Africa‘s macro-economic strategies have had a good reputation since 2000. The monetary policy has turned out to be more transparent and predictable, and a sound fiscal policy has sustained its framework. The study analyses the role that FDI plays in the socio-economic development of South Africa since 1995 by focusing on selected case studies: ABSA Bank, General Motors South Africa (GMSA) and the Mining Sector of South Africa. The research concludes that although ABSA Bank has implemented several corporate social responsibility (CSR), and various employee development programmes, there is hardly any evidence to suggest that Barclays Bank‘s takeover of ABSA Bank has positively impacted on these programmes. General Motors South Africa (GMSA), which came into South Africa many decades ago through a Greenfield Investment, has played a positive role in the economy of the Eastern Cape Province as well as that of South Africa, having created jobs directly and indirectly. The company has also designed and implemented various educational, housing as well as health and awareness programmes for its employees and for the communities. Mining companies that operate in South Africa formed partnerships in the communities in which they operate in an effort to improve the lives of people. While these various projects have been a source of employment, they have had a limited impact on the core causes of social problems surrounding the mines. Many of these root causes relate to core business practices of the mining companies, especially employee recruitment, wages and housing. These root causes where witnessed in the Lonmin tragedy and in other strikes that spread throughout the sector in 2012. The study concludes that although FDI does play a role in the socio-economic development of South Africa, especially Greenfield investment, the same argument could not be made on Mergers and acquisitions (M&As). Finally, the South African government needs to play a proactive role in ensuring that foreign companies that invest in the country need to be well aware of the socio-economic needs of South Africa, and be willing to play a positive role in that regard.

M.Com (Economics) / The role of foreign aid in promoting economic growth and improving welfare has been the subject of much debate among development specialists, researchers, aid donors as well as recipients in general. Two very strong views have emerged in the literature; proponents of aid posit that foreign aid contributes to higher welfare levels and economic growth while also improving the socio economic conditions of the poor in the receiving countries. Detractors of the idea that foreign aid promotes growth have argued that aid is not the solution to deep rooted economic problems of recipient countries. According to the latter, aid does not breed an environment that allows nations to themselves develop local strategies to improve growth. The country selected for this study, South Africa, poses an interesting case study given the fact that while the country is not aid- dependent, it still receives a significant amount of official development assistance (ODA). In spite of the above fact and the perceived benefits of foreign aid for growth and development, there are few empirical studies that have investigated the nature of the relationship between foreign aid and economic growth in South Africa. The study found that while foreign aid has positively affected growth in South Africa, the impact is insignificant. Although such aids has ensured a good macroeconomic environment which have been growth- enhancing for the country.

The South African leather industry has undergone a significant transformation since the 1990’s and this can be attributed primarily owing to two major factors that occurred. The first being trade liberalisation, which meant the fall of trade barriers, and the second being the Motor Industry Development Programme (MIDP), which was implemented in South Africa on 1 September 1995. The MIDP was implemented in the context of the country’s political and economic liberalisation, and the major structural shift in government policy and the trade regime. South Africa became much more globally integrated and the South African leather industry benefited because of this, as well as the incentives that was offered under the MIDP. Automotive exports of stitched leather seat parts responded positively to the incentives offered under the MIDP and stitched leather seat parts, as a component under the MIDP, became one of the best performing components being exported from South Africa. The MIDP had been terminated at the end of 2012 and is now being followed by government’s latest rendition of automotive policy, namely the Automotive Production and Development Programme (APDP). The APDP focuses on value addition, which pursues beneficiation of the country’s raw materials to the final stages, to ensure maximum benefit to the South African economy. The findings of the study entail that the South African leather industry is now in a vulnerable state because of the new automotive policy. This is mainly because the APDP does not provide the same level, or type, of incentives that the MIDP had provided to the industry. / Business Management / M. Com. (Business Management)

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study project aims to investigate economic progress in South Africa through exploring the economic history in both the pre-1994 and post-1994 period. Special emphasis is placed on the areas of poverty alleviation, employment creation as well as the economic success that the country wishes to achieve. South Africa, as a developing nation, faced many key challenges after 1994 and together with these internal problems, the global operating environment was rapidly changing and this needed to be factored in. After ten years of democracy, it is important to examine what progress has been made and determine if South Africa is indeed on the path to prosperity. In establishing this, the author starts by defining the key issues that deserve consideration within the topic and sets a standard framework around which the topic will be studied. South Africa is not the first country in the world to experience related challenges and it is useful to examine some selected economies in the world, to extract key learning points as well as offer a means of benchmarking how South Africa compares. It is essential that the context and nature of the problems that exist currently be understood through an investigation of the past. The solutions that ultimately are applied to eradicate these problems must successfully address the inherited legacy or the solutions will be short term and inadequate. Much has happened after 1994 and this is examined both from a macroeconomic as well as the socioeconomic perspective. In determining whether South Africa remains on the correct trajectory, the key learning points are integrated with the progress made to date. The identified shortcomings are then presented as recommendations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie mik om ekonomiese vordering in Suid-Afrika deur die bestudering van ekonomiese geskiedenis in beide die voor-en na-1994 tydperk te ondersoek. Spesiale klem is geplaas in areas van verligting van armoede, werkskepping sowel as ekonomiese sukses wat die land na streef. Suid-Afrika, as 'n ontwikkelende land, staar baie sleutel uitdagings na 1994 in die gesig en tesame met die interne probleme, het die globale funksionele omgewing vinnig verander en moes dit in ag geneem word . Na tien jaar van demokrasie, is dit belangrik om ondersoek in te stel na watter vordering gemaak was en vas te stel of Suid-Afrika inderdaad op pad is na positiewe groei. Deur dit vas te stel, het die skrywer begin om sleutel fokuspunte, binne die onderwerp wat verdien om in ag geneem te word, te definieer, en plaas 'n standaard raamwerk rondom die betrokke onderwerp wat bestudeer moet word. Suid-Afrika is nie die eerste land in die wereld om soortgelyke uitdagings te ondervind nie, en dit is prakties om sommige geselekteerde ekonomieë in die wereld te bestudeer, ten einde belangrike punte en mikpunte oor hoe Suid-Afrika vergelyk uit te beeld. Dit is noodsaaklik dat die konteks en natuur van die probleme huidiglik, verstaan word, deur die verlede te ondersoek. Die oplossings wat toegepas word moet suksesvol die nagelate erfenis addresseer, of die oplossings kortermyn en onvoldoende sal wees. Baie het gebeur na 1994 en dit is beide van 'n makro-ekonomiese sowel as die sosio-ekonomiese perspektief ondersoek. Om vas te stel of Suid-Afrika op die regte koers is, word die sleutel punte geintegreer met die vordering tot op datum. Die geidentifiseerde tekortkomminge word voorgelê as aanbevelings.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: China has experienced phenomenal economic growth over the past 20 years and has developed from a pure socialist economy into a market driven economy_ However the transfonnation process is not yet complete. China has a pegged currency system (this was the case up until 2110712005) that is coupled to the US dollar. The result of this was that their currency fluctuated much less than other developing country currencies and hence became a very attractive investment destination. In addition to this labour in China is very cheap and access to economies of scale is available. But despite the many positive aspects of the Chinese economy there are also a number of elements that have very negative consequences for the economy and need to be addressed if China wishes to create prosperity for all its citizens. The value of the yuan has been a topic of great contention, and there are very different opinions as to what the currency value should be. After careful consideration of the various options available to China it was assessed that it would be highly detrimental for China to suddenly free float its currency. However it is essential for China to gradually liberate their monetary system so as to create more monetary autonomy. To ensure that liberalization is done in an orderly and non~djsruptjve way, it is important that China refonns other aspects of its economy (such as its banking system, its unprofitable state owned enterprises, its need for energy, income inequality, the protection of intellectual property, its legal system, worker rights and growing unemployment). South Africa, as an emerging economy, also faces a number of challenges to create more opportunities for its people (of whom many are still living in poverty). Obstacles to economic growth include the effects of HN and AIDS, low productivity, discrepancy between the available and the needed skills, unemployment, crime and so forth. A number of positive aspects also exist that need to be harnessed more creatively to ensure that South Africans reap the rewards of sustained economic development. However, it is important that all the people in the economy (i.e. government, business, communities and NGOs) work together to create a positive business environment. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: China het indrukwekkende ekonomiese groei oor die afgelope 20 jaar ervaar en het ontwikkel van 'n sosiale ekonomie tot 'n markgedrewe ekonomie. Die transforrnasie proses is egter nog nie voltooi nie. China het 'n gekoppelde geldeenheid (dit was die geval tot en met 21107/2005) wat aan die Amerikaanse dollar gekoppel was. Die resultaat was dat hulle geldeenheid minder gefluktueer het as ander ontwikkelende ekonomiee, en China het dus 'n gesogte beleggingsoord geword. Daarmee saam is die koste van arbeid in China baie goedkoop en kan daar van skaalvoordele gebruik gemaak word. Maar ten spyte van die positiewe aspekte. is daar ook 'n aantal elemente wat baie negatiewe gevolge vir die ekonomie inhou en wat aangespreek moet word as China voorspoed vir al sy landsburgers wil verseker. Die waarde van die Chinese yuan is die afgelope paar jaar 'n onderwerp van omstredenheid gewees wat baie verskillende opinies oor die werklike waarde van die eenheid tot gevolg gehad het. Na die oorweging van die verskeie opsies wat beskikbaar is vir China, is bevind dat 'n skielike vrystelling van die yuan baie negatiewe effekte op die ekonomie sal hê. Maar dit is belangrik dat China weI hul geldeenheid geleidelik liberaliseer sodat die regering meer outonomiteit kan hê (in terme van monetere besluitneming). Om te verseker dat die liberalisering op 'n ordelike en nie-ontwrigtende manier sal plaasvind nie, is dit belangrik dat daar ook liberalisering plaasvind in ander areas van die ekonomie (soos die bankstelsel, die nie-winsgewende staatsbeheerde besighede, die gebruik van energie, inkomste ongelykheid, die beskenning van intellektuele eiendom, die regstelsel, werkersregte en die groeiende werkloosheid). Suid-Afrika, as 'n ontluikende ekonomie, het ook 'n aantal uitdagings wat oorkorn moet word indien volhoubare ekonomiese groei behaal wil word. Hindemisse tot ekonomiese groei sluit in MIV en VIGS, lae produktiwiteit, die wanverhouding tussen benodigde en beskikbare vaardighede, werkloosheid, misdaad en ander sosiale probleme. Daarteenoor is daar wel baie positiewe aspekte wat meer effektief benut moet word om groei te dryf. Dit is ook baie belangrik dat al die kernpelers in die ekonomie hul kant bring (dus die regering, georganiseerde besigheid, werkers, werkloses en gemeenskapsorganisasies).

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Following FW De Klerk's decision on the 2nd of February 1990 to unban black liberation movements, release of Mandela from prison and the uplifting of the state of emergence, a process of irreversible change was set in motion in South Africa. This process of change was captured in the four-year dramatic series of negotiations sometimes referred to as 'talks about talks' and the real negotiations at Kempton Park, which ensued immediately after De Klerk's ground-breaking speech in 1990. The negotiations ultimately resulted in the i~interim constitution of 1993 which served as the basis for the 1994 elections. The election in turn ushered South Africa into a new epoch of an electoral democracy characterised by most of the ingredients of a normal democracy. The new born "electoral democracy" met the seven conditional institutions/ principles for a polyarchy as prescribed by . Robert Dahl, namely universal suffrage; free and fair elections; right to run public office; freedom of expression; right to access information; freedom to form organizations of great variety and responsiveness of the government to voters and election outcomes. But the key question relates to its consolidation - is it consolidating? Responding to this question is the gist of this not-so comprehensive comparative thesis, whose particular focus is the presidency in the new South Africa - both of Mandela and Mbeki. This is done through the help of the both institutional as well as socio-economic approaches to democracy. That is, 'without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible' (Linz and Stepan .1996.p14) and without favourable socio-economic conditions, democratic institutions are unlikely to endure and consolidate. The institutional analysis puts under spotlight the presidency and decision-making trends, specifically the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) for the Mandela's presidential era and the Policy Co-ordination Advisory Services (PCAS) Unit for the Mbeki's. On socio-economics it looks at how Mandela and Mbeki dealt with the inequality problem issue. This study will not deal with issues such as ethnic heterogeneity or class issues in relation to consolidation of democracy, except insofar as they illustrate something about policies on inequalities. It eventually assesses the implications for the consolidation of democracy in the new South Africa by contrasting Mandela and Mbeki's approaches to the economy i.e. Mandela's ROP and Nedlac and Mbeki's GEAR and International Investment Council. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Proses van onomkeerbare verandering in Suid-Afrika is in werking gestel met FW de Klerk se besluit op 2 Februarie 1990 om die bevrydingsbewegings te ontban, Mandela en ander politieke gevangenis vry te laat en die noodtoestand op te hef. Dié proses van verandering het op 'n vier jaarlange onderhandelingsproses uitgeloop wat aanvanklik getipeer was as "gesprekke oor gesprekke" en daarna die ware onderhandelings wat by Kemptonpark plaasgevind het. Hierdie onderhandelings het gelei tot die formulering van die interim grondwet van 1993 wat die basis gevorm het vir die eerste inklusiewe verkiesing in Suid-Afrika in 1994. Hierdie verkiesing het Suid-Afrika op die pad van 'n elektorale demokrasie geplaas wat die vereiste vir alle normale demokrasieë is. Hierdie elektorale stelsel in Suid-Afrika voldoen aan al Robert Dahl se sewe vereistes vir 'n poliargie, te wete algemene stemreg, vrye en regverdige verkiesings, die reg om aan openbare instellings deel te neem, die vryheid van spraak, die reg tot inligting, die vryheid om organisasies te vorm wat betrekking het op die verkiesingsproses. AI hierdie vereistes is noodsaaklik, maar nie noodwendig voldoende om 'n demokrasie te konsolideer nie. Die vraag is dus of Suid-Afrika konsolideer. Om hierdie vraag te beantwoord vereis 'n omvattende ondersoek. Hierdie tesis is egter meer beskeie en sal slegs konsentreer op die rol van die presidentskap in Suid-Afrika - Mandela en Mbeki, en te bepaal of die style wat hulle gevolg het en die beleide wat hulle toegepas het konsolidasie in die hand werk of nie. Daar sal gekyk word na die institusionele aspekte van die presidentskap se besluitnemingstrukture asook na enkele sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat relevant vir demokratisering is. Die aanname in hierdie tesis was "without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible" (Linz & Stepan. 1996), maar sonder gunstige ekonomiese toestande (Przeworski en andere 1996), is die kanse dat 'n demokrasie volhoubaar is gering. Die instellings wat beskryf en ontleed word wat op die president se besluitnemingstyle dui is die National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) wat Mandela betref en die Policy Coordination Advisory Services (PCAS) wat Mbeki betref. Die sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat ondersoek is handel in beide gevalle met hoe hierdie presidente die ongelykheids-problematiek in Suid-Afrika aangespreek het wat ook op nasiebou betrekking het. Hierdie studie sluit kwessies soos etniese heterogeniteit en die klassedebat uit, behalwe in soverre dit betrekking het op besluitneming en die hantering van ongelykheid. Die implikasies vir konsolidasie word uitgespel.