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D.Comm. / The purpose of this study is to investigate the ways in which future development policy for post-apartheid South Africa must be structured. The motivation for the study stems from, firstly the way in which development issues were handled in the past, secondly the unique problematic nature of South Africa's development, and thirdly the shortcomings in the present proposals for development policy. If one examines the latest tendencies in the international literature on development policy, a shift in emphasis in the international approach to development since the late 1980s is discernible. Whereas the earlier emphasis in development policy was on the generating of economic growth which would have to trickle down to all levels of society, there has more recently been an increasing awareness of the important role which people must fulfil in the development process. According to the latest international literature on the subject, development must be a sustainable and humancentred process in which the protection of the environment, human security, and economic growth must be taken into account. As regards South Africa's development experience, this study came to the conclusion that the ways in which development issues were historically addressed were not successful. All policy initiatives were directed at the development of First World structures, the promotion of economic growth and the uplifting of minorities, while a ceiling was placed on opportunities for the development of the majority of the country's people. An economic growth pattern for development was thus advocated in which people and their development fulfilled a subordinate role. Although since the 1980s attempts have been made to stimulate development, these did not have political legitimacy in the eyes of the broader population and did not take place in a co-ordinated manner. The consequences of these policy initiatives are reflected in South Africa's current development problems. For the broader population, access to health, education and other essential services is either lacking or is of a poor quality. Human security is seriously threatened. Dualism occurs as regards the standard of human development and it is especially the black population, women and rural communities which have the greatest need for investment in human development. South Africa has limited environmental resources and in some areas has to deal with a degenerated environment. As regards economic growth, the economic growth pattern over the last two decades has seen the weakening of distribution of income, a reduction in per capita income and an increase in unemployment. The consequence of this is that approximately half of the population lives in poverty. Although since the early 1990s various policy documents have appeared with the aim of making policy proposals about the ways in which growth and development must be stimulated, none of these documents - including the Reconstruction and Development Programme - offers a satisfactory policy framework in which future development policy must be structured. As regards South Africa's unique development problems, the following proposals for a framework for future development policy are made: Development is the long-term goal which we endeavour to achieve. If a country really wants to benefit from the development process, it is necessary that development be a sustainable process. Sustainable development implies that development policy and decision-making in this regard must not only benefit the present generation, but future generations as well. A prerequisite for sustainable development, however, is that it must be humancentred. Development can therefore not be successful unless people and their choices are central to the development process. The humancentredness of development must therefore constitute the axis around which all development activities in South Africa must evolve. In order to ensure that sustainable development will be humancentred, it must, in accordance with the vision of the United Nations, be "pro-people, pro-jobs and pro-nature." Sustainable development is therefore a multidimensional and allinclusive concept with different dimensions. The discussion of a policy framework for South Africa examines the different dimensions which must be addressed in the development process in order to ensure that development in the long term will be people-centred and sustainable. The dimensions to be discussed include the social, economic, ecological, and also the political dimensions. Turning first to the social dimension, the ways in which people can be developed and their needs can be satisfied are discussed. Human development is thus regarded as the social dimension in the striving for sustainable development. Secondly the protection of the environment is discussed as the ecological dimension in the development process. Thirdly the striving for sustainable job-creating economic growth is regarded as the economic dimension in the development process. Lastly the political dimension of the development process is discussed, as it affects the successful formulation and facilitation of development policy. In addressing the different dimensions of the development process, the humancentreciness of the process must always be kept in mind. Humancentred development will clearly form the most important link in the striving for sustainable development in South Africa.

MA (Political Science) / Department of Development Studies / The 21st century has witnessed intensified ties between China and South Africa both bilaterally and multilaterally under BRICS. South Africa-China relations have been amplified by the quest to strengthen South-South cooperation as opposed to depending on the West for everything. In this research the focus is on examining the political and economic relations between South Africa and China. The sustainability of the China-South Africa engagement in the areas of economy and politics will be examined. Since South Africa is the weaker partner economically in her relationship with China, will the relationship leave South Africa disadvantaged or will the South African economy benefit from the bilateral relations? On the political level, China’s policy on Tibet and the One-China policy may have a bearing on South Africa’s image in the world. The research is designed to explore the political and economic dimensions of the relationship. The study derives insights from the interdependence theory which argues that we live in a world of interdependence which has altered the concept of power which is at the heart of the realist theory. Interdependence is also defined as mutual dependence among nations and reciprocal effects among states. The study utilizes a qualitative approach where desk research involving primary and secondary sources are used. Fundamentally the study argues that the relationship is mutually beneficial albeit unequal. China is a major power with the second largest economy in the world and South Africa is a regional power with a stagnating economy. China needs South Africa in her Africa strategy due to the fact that South Africa boasts the largest and most advanced economy on the African continent and this makes the country a convenient doorway into Africa. South Africa on the other hand needs Chinese Foreign Direct Investment and trade to speed up growth and grow the black middle class which was disadvantaged during the apartheid years. In 2015 the two countries signed 26 agreements worth 94 billion rand when the Chinese President Xi Jinping paid an official visit to South Africa which will be mutually beneficial to both parties.

Local authorities in South Africa need to compile and implement local economic development plans. These plans are not only required by law as a component of integrated development plans, but also emanate from the pressing needs of many communities for development, job creation, and greater welfare and prosperity. A review of the historical and theoretical background reveals changing approaches and different theories to defend the actions taken. A critique of typical strategies and processes reveals that no one strategy or process can be universally applied, but that these should be adapted to the community's unique circumstances. Shortcomings and appropriate applications are indicated. The management plan presents a process to enable local authorities in partnership with the community to compile a plan for locally generated and directed development. This plan can, but need not, be a component of an integrated development plan and is thus compatible with integrated development planning and the formulation of local development objectives. The plan draws on a number of planning methodologies including urban planning, city marketing, strategic planning and neuro-linguistic programming approaches. Techniques from these and community development methodologies are included to guide the community through the process of creating a vision, analysis, goal setting, plan and strategy formulation, implementation and review. This management plan is designed as a generic process that can be applied to a variety of circumstances. The flexible nature of the process permits innovation and adaptations to local needs and other fields of planning. It also provides scope for further research on theories, methodologies and techniques. / Geography / D.Phil. (Geography)

Text in Afrikaans / Suid-Afrika het sy diplomatieke bande met Taiwan verbreek en hegte diplomatieke bande met Sjina in 1998 aangeknoop. Hierdie hegte verhouding wat tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina ontwikkel het, word dikwels deur politici, die media en vakbonde veroordeel as nadelig vir Suid-Afrika. Ten einde hierdie veroordelings te staaf, of te weerlê, is ‘n analise van die politieke, ekonomiese en militêre verhouding tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina onderneem. Aangesien Suid-Afrika voor 1998 verhoudinge met Taiwan gehandhaaf het, kon die verhouding wat tans tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina bestaan, vergelyk word met die vorige verhouding met Taiwan. Die verhandeling kon gevolglik tot ’n gevolgtrekking kom rakende die verhouding. / In 1998 South Africa broke off diplomatic ties with Taiwan when it established full relations with China. Since then, South Africa’s ties with China have been frequently criticised by politicians, the media and trade unions as disadvantageous to South Africa. To refute or confirm this perception, an analysis of the political, economic and military ties between South Africa and China has been undertaken. South Africa’s relations with Taiwan prior to 1998 are the basis for the comparison of South Africa’s relations with China. As a result, this dissertation is able to reach a conclusion regarding these ties. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis investigates why human poverty and environmental degradation still exist to the extent that they do in a world where there appears to be sufficient scientific and social knowledge to reduce them considerably. It asserts that the reason they continue to exist on such a large scale is because their root cause - a mistaken understanding of humanity's role in creation - has not been sufficiently examined. Humanity's mistaken understanding of ourselves as the Cartesian lords of creation is addressed by introducing the Biblically-based concept of Shalom, as interpreted by theologians Ulrich Duchrow and Gerhard Liedke in their book, Shalom. Biblical Perspectives on Creation, Justice and Peace (1987). The concept stresses how our exploitative relationship towards creation results in destructive relationships with our fellow human beings and ultimately with God. The thesis argues that global capitalism's central value of accumulating wealth for its own sake has severely disrupted Shalom in society and the rest of creation. Using a second work of theologian Ulrich Duchrow, Alternatives to Global Capitalism. Drawn from Biblical History Designed for Political Action (1995), the social and environmental poverty inducing structures within the world economy are highlighted. It is asserted that in order to reduce poverty and environmental degradation within the economy, this central value of wealth accumulation for its own sake has to be replaced with one that seeks to satisfy the basic needs of all people. The thesis also discusses the inability of the South African government's macro economic strategy - the Growth, Employment and Redistribution plan (GEAR)- to create Shalom. In order for the macro-economic strategy of South Africa to address the exploitative relationships that exist within the economy, it is argued that a more critical attitude towards the values and structures of the market economy is needed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek die vraag hoekom armoede en omgewingsaftakeling steeds bestaan in 'n wêreld waar genoegsame wetenskaplike en sosiale kennis beskikbaar is om dit aansienlik te verminder. Dit argumenteer dat die rede waarom hierdie probleme op so 'n groot skaal voortbestaan, is omdat hulle grondoorsaak - 'n verkeerde verstaan van die mens se rol in die skepping - nie voldoende ondersoek is nie. Die mensdom se misverstaan van sigself as die Cartesiaanse meesters van die skepping word aangespreek deur die ondersoek van die Bybels-gebasseerde konsep van Shalom, soos geïnterpreteer deur die teoloë Ulrich Duchrow and Gerhard Liedke in hulle boek Shalom. Biblical Perspectives on Creation, Justice and Peace (1987). Die konsep benadruk hoe ons eksploiterende verhouding tot die skepping resulteer in 'n vernietigende verhouding met ons medemens en uiteindelik, met God. Die tesis argumenteer dat globale kapitalisme, met die akkumulasie van welvaart vir sigself as sentrale waarde, Shalom ondermyn in die wêreld en die res van die skepping. Deur gebruik te maak van 'n tweede werk van die teoloog Ulrich Duchrow, Alternatives to Global Capitalism. Drawn from Biblical History Designed for Political Action (1995), word die strukture wat sosiale- en omgewings-armoede veroorsaak binne die wêreldekonomie, ondersoek. Dit word gestel dat, ten einde armoede en omgewingsvernietiging te verminder, hierdie sentrale waarde van welvaartakkumulasie vir sigself vervang moet word met een wat daarna streef om die basiese behoeftes van mense te bevredig. Die onvermoë van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se makro-ekonomiese strategie, naamlik die Groei-, Werkskeppings- en Herverdelingsprogram (GEAR) - om Shalom te skep, word ook bespreek. Dit word geargumenteer dat, ten einde 'n situasie te bereik waar die makro-ekonomiese strategie van Suid Afrika die eksploiterende verhoudings binne die ekonomie aanspreek, 'n meer kritiese houding ten opsigte van die waardes en strukture van die vryemark ekonomie benodig word.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since 1994 South Africa has undergone numerous social and political transformations. Transformation in this country has different meanings for different people, depending on the individuals perspective. The process of transformation has been slow for some, particularly those people who are eager to break away from a past, which has denied them basic individual rights. For others transformation has been too fast and thus a threat to their status quo. In view of this, transformation must be embraced by all through the realisation and admission that the apartheid era was inherently unfair to sections of the population and change must therefore be regarded as the levelling of the playing field. This study focuses on the generation of inequality, the uprooting of this evil and the implementation of equity. In addition, this study particularly focuses on how equity can be implemented in the workplace, why it is important to do so and what are the possible barriers to successful implementation. I will consider some of the theories that may be useful in initiating change. Finally, I will discuss the merits of the Employment Equity Act as legislation to enforce equity in the workplace. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Vanaf 1994, het Suid Afrika verskillende sosiale en politieke veranderings ondergaan. Hierdie veraderings het verskillende betekenis vir verskillende mense, afhangend van die individuele se insig. Die proses van veranderings was te stadig vir sommige persone, veral diegene wie angstig was om weg te breek van die verlede, wat hulle ontneem het van hulle basiese individuele regte. Vir andere was die veraderings veels te vinning en was meer 'n bedreiging vir hulle onveranderlike hoë belangrike posisies. Met hierdie faktor insig, moet veranderings omhels word deur almal se opregte beseffing en erkenning dat die apartheid jare se alleen regte vir die een groep baie onregverdig was teenoor die ander groepe, dus moet veranderings aanvaar word as gelykmaking van alle onreelmatinghede. Hierdie studie is die fokus gerig op die jare van vasgevangheid in onregverdigheid en dat hierdie ongeregtigheid kan ontwortel word met die aanbeveling of vervangs van geregtigheid. Die fokus lê veral klem op hoe om gelyke regte by die werksplekke toe te pas.

Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / This thesis is, in essence, a theoretically informed, qualitative study of an intermediate power coalition in international trade negotiations. More specifically, it critically evaluates the cooperation of India, Brazil and South Africa (IBSA) in the World Trade Organisation (WTO). The IBSA Dialogue Forum was established in 2003. This was also the year the three emerging countries first drew attention to their collective bargaining potential. First, they were instrumental in negotiating a waiver in the WTO that allowed for relaxed patent restrictions on the import of generic drugs for countries in the developing world facing health emergencies. Then, they also played a central role in the collapse of the WTO talks held in Cancun, 2003. This study looks at what IBSA aims to achieve in the WTO and then tries to establish whether it is possible for the initiative to achieve these aims (in the WTO). It asks, firstly, what kind of coalition IBSA forms in the WTO. Then, it asks whether it makes sense for India, Brazil and South Africa to form this type of coalition. Finally, it discusses some of the complexities involved in the three countries’ claim that it speaks for the “developing South”. The study makes use mainly of a neo-liberal institutionalist theoretical approach, while being open to constructive debate and critique from the reflective school. Ultimately, the study argues that the challenges that bind these countries also constrain each of them. The three countries might be emerging, but they are also developing countries with limited capacity that face serious developmental challenges. In addition, these countries of the South are situated in complex regional environments. In the WTO, IBSA aims to cement a coalition through processes that promote the cooperative dimensions of interaction and minimise conflictual ones. This innovative approach to cooperation does provide some hope. How they use their collective capacity will prove decisive. No doubt, successful cooperation will require hard work, especially as the coalition will have to deliver concrete results not only to domestic constituencies, but also to the developing world as a whole.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the democratisation of South Africa's foreign trade policy, by evaluating the negotiations surrounding the establishment of a free trade area between South Africa and the European Union (EU). Democracy here is defined as a form of government that rests on three components namely, public participation in and public debate over policy formulation and a governing elite that is responsive to the needs of the majority of the population. The thesis firstly outlines the process of negotiation itself, looking at the developments that shaped the years of talks. It examines the nature of the final agreement, called the Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA). It focuses on the Co-operation Agreements that were concluded, South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention and the details of the free trade agreement. It finds that although the negotiations took very long to complete and the EU proved to be a tough negotiator, there are a number of opportunities for South Africans in the TDCA. In the second section the internal process in developing a South African negotiating mandate is examined. This is done to conclude whether or not South Africa's foreign trade policy is being formulated in a democratic manner. However, first of all the question why the democratisation of foreign trade policy formulation is important is addressed. Two possible theories are advanced. Firstly, globalisation has forced countries to lure foreign direct investment (FDI) as a matter of urgency. Seeing as FDI is mostly tied up with western nations that prefer democracies, states are opting to democratise. The focus is to a large extent on satisfying international actors. Or alternatively, the very survival of the nascent democracy today depends on the consultative nature of domestic economic and international economic policy formulation. This is not a question of choice with an external focus, but rather a matter of urgency with purely an internal focus. Four actors in foreign policy formulation, namely parliament, government, the bureaucracy and civil society, are examined in order to understand whether they had access to the process and whether these institutions themselves have been democratised since 1994. The thesis finds that the process was to a large extent democratic in nature. However, the thesis also finds that no matter how democratic policy formulation is in South Africa, the options for policy are limited by a number of international elements. These include globalisation, regional trading blocs like the European Union, and international organisations like the World Trade Organisation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis evalueer die demokratisering van Suid-Afrika se buitelandse handelsbeleid deur die onderhandelingsproses tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suid-Afrika rakende die sluiting van 'n vryhandelsooreenkoms te ontleed. Demokrasie word in die tesis definieer as 'n tipe regering wat rus op drie komponente, naamlik deelname in en debat oor beleidsformulering en 'n regerende elite wat die behoeftes van die meerderheid van die burgers in ag neem in beleidsformulering. Eerstens omskryf die tesis die gebeure wat die onderhandelingsproses beïnvloed het. Die finale ooreenkoms word oorweeg teen die agtergrond van die samewerkingsooreenkomste wat tussen die partye gesluit is, Suid-Afrika se gedeeltelike deelname aan die Lomé Konfensie en die vryhandelsooreenkoms. Die gevolgtrekking word bereik dat ten spyte van die feit dat die onderhandelings oor 'n hele aantal jare gestek het, en alhoewel die EU 'n uitgeslape onderhandelaar was, die orreenkoms talle geleenthede vir Suid-Afrikaners skep. In die tweede instansie word die interne proses wat tot Suid-Afrika se onderhandelingsmandaat gelei het, ondersoek. Dit is gedoen om vas te stel of die beleid op 'n demokratiese manier geformuleer is. Daar word egter eers bepaal waarom die demokratisering van buitelandse handelsbeleid belangrik is. Twee moontlike teorie word geformuleer. Die eerste stel dit dat globalisering lande forseer om direkte buitelandse beleggings aan te lok. Siende dat buitelandse beleggings van westerlike state afkomstig is, wat verkies om met demokratiese state sake te doen, word ontwikkelende lande as te ware geforseer om veral hulle buitelandse beleidsformulering te demokratiseer. In die alternatief kan dit betoog word dat die voortbestaan van die demokrasie self afhang van 'n ekonomiese beleidsformulering wat beide binnelandse en internasionale prosesse insluit. Dit is nie 'n kwessie van keuse met 'n eksterne fokus nie, maar 'n noodsaaklikheid met 'n interne fokus. Vier groeperinge wat buitelandse beleidsformulering beïnvloed word ondersoek, naamlik die Parlament, the regering, die burokrasie en die burgerlike samelewing, om vas te stelof hierdie instansies toegang tot die proses gehad het en of hierdie instansies self sedert 1994 gedemokratiseer is. Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat al is die formulering van buitelandse beleid hoé demokraties, word die moontlikehede vir beleidsformulering beperk deur globalisering, streeksorganisasies soos die EU, en internasionale organisasies soos the Wêreld Handelsorganisasie. Vir Chris, Gitti, Thomas en my ouers, sonder wie hierdie nooit klaar sou gekom het nie. Baie dankie ook aan Prof Philip Nel vir sy hulp, leiding en ondersteuning.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This case study examines the implications of globalisation for business-government relations in South Africa since 1990. The study proposes that business, bolstered by globalisation, is increasingly gaining influence in the policy process of South Africa. The unfolding era of neo-liberalism has ushered in an enormous surge in the power of capital and a decline in the organization and influence of labour. This surge in relative power has allowed the South African business community, to impose its own discipline on government and to narrow the sphere of public decisions. Fear ofloss of competitiveness, in attracting capital, both domestic and international, has forced government to make their policies increasingly capital-friendly rather than responding to popular will or broad social interest. The study establishes the features of globalisation and South Africa's position within this process through an analysis of the relationship between the ANC and business that developed in South Africa between 1990 and 1994, and later facilitated the ANC's acceptance of a neo-liberal macroeconomic strategy in 1996. By analysing; firstly, the influence of business within the policy-making process since 1996, and secondly, the influence of business in the outcomes of government's black economic empowerment strategy, the study shows that business has attempted to optimise its position vis-a-vis the currents of globalisation. The study concludes that the working partnership between business and government, established in terms of the BEE strategy is based on the mutual need of each other, as both government and business face the brutal capriciousness of foreign investment, the major challenge posed by globalisation. The South African business community is however in a unique position with respect to South Africa's ongoing transformation. Within the post-apartheid context, and South Africa's reconfigured power equation between government and business, globalisation would appear to give corporate South Africa added leverage over its rival social partners in the tug-of-war over the terms of development. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie gevalle-studie bestudeer die implikasies van globalisasie vir besigheidregering verhoudings in Suid-Afrika vanaf 1990. Die studie stel voor dat besigheid, aangehelp deur globalisasie, toenemend invloed verkry in die beleidsproses in Suid- Afrika. Die nuwe era van neo-liberalisme het 'n groot toevloei in die mag van kapitaal binne gesien en 'n afname in die organisasie en invloed van arbeid. Die beweging van relatiewe mag het die Suid-Afrikaanse besigheids-gemeenskap toegelaat om sy eie dissipline op die regering op te lê, en om die sfeer van openbare besluite te vernou. Die vrees van verlies van mededinging in die aantrekking van kapitaal, beide plaaslik en internasionaal, het die regering gedwing om hul beleide toenemend kapitaalvriendelik te maak, eerder as om te reageer op populêre wilskrag of breë sosiale belang. Die studie bevestig die kenmerke van globalisasie sowel as Suid-Afrika se posisie in hierdie proses. Dit word bepaal deur 'n analise van die verhouding tussen die ANC en ondernemings wat tussen 1990 en 1994 in Suid-Afrika ontwikkel het en later deur die ANC se aanvaarding van 'n neo-liberale makro-ekonomies strategie in 1996, gefasiliteer is. Deur eerste die invloed van besigheid binne die beleidmakings-proses vanaf 1996 te analiseer en tweedens te kyk na die invloed van besigheid in die uitkoms van die regering se swart ekonomiese bemagtings strategie (BEE) wys die studie dat besigheid probeer het om sy posisie deur die vloei van globalisasie te optimiseer. Die studie sluit af met die erkende vennootskap tussen besighede en die regering. Hierdie vernootskap is gevestig op die terme van die BEE strategie, wat gebasseer is op wedersydse belang, want beide die regering en besighede staar die brutale wispelturigheid van buitelandse belegging in die gesig. Hierdie groot uitdaging word deur globalisasie voortgebring. Die Suid-Afrikaanse besigheidsgemeentskap is in 'n unieke posisie, in die sin van Suid-Afrika se voortgaande transformasie. Binne die post-apartheid konteks en Suid-Afrika se hergestruktueerde mags verhouding tussen die regering en besighede, wil dit voorkom asof globalisasie die besigheids-sfeer van Suid-Afrika 'n toename van mag oor sy mededingende sosiale vennote te gee, in die konflik oor die terme van ontwikkeling.