Auf der Makroebene der Blogosphäre gibt es die sogenannten „A-Blogger“. Diese zeichnen sich dadurch aus, dass ihr Weblog (Blog) im Gegensatz zur großen Mehrheit der Blogs über sehr viele Inlinks-verfügt. In der Literatur sind verschiedene theoretische Ansätze zu finden, die sich mit der Frage beschäftigen, welche Funktion den A-Bloggern in der Blogosphäre zukommt. So wird beispielsweise davon gesprochen, dass sie eine Agenda-Setting-Funktion für die Blogosphäre einnehmen. Das bedeutet, dass sie die in der Blogosphäre diskutierten Themen vorgeben und somit die anderen Blogs, die über deutlich weniger Links verfügen, in deren Themenwahl beeinflussen. Anhand eines Datensatzes (Burton, Java et al. 2009) soll überprüft werden, ob eine Agenda-Setting-Funktion der deutschen A-Blogger für die deutschsprachige Blogosphäre bestätigt werden kann. Als Methode wird die Hyperlinkanalyse eingesetzt.

The subject for this thesis stems from the recent world events, were Sweden has received its largest number of refugees and asylum seekers since World War II. At the same time integration policies all over Europe are getting stricter. People are concerned about the increasingly normalizing racist discourse in public debate. A cornerstone in an open and democratic society like Sweden is equal treatment and how we talk about each other effects how we treat each other. Hence great importance lies in the portrayal of all social groups, such as refugees. Using discourse as a unit - both as a theory and a method this thesis examine and analyze how refugees are represented in the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter (DN). The thesis focuses on eight articles from the time period between January-April before the parliamentary elections in September 2014 and 2018. Questions were asked about how refugees are portrayed in DN and what differences and similarities could be identified between the time periods. With the help from theories concerning representation and agenda-setting the empirical analysis indicate similarities between the time periods regarding the representation of refugees. Differences was found in the portrayal of people from different places and how they were put in contradiction to each other. To deepen the analysis of the empirical material and to understand the textual discourses in the articles the thesis uses previous research, both international and national concerning the coverage of refugees.

D’origine anglo-saxonne, le lobbying, en tant que stratégie d’influence du décideur politique ou des politiques publiques est une pratique connue dans le monde entier. Le Burkina Faso, en Afrique de l’Ouest, ne fait pas exception à la règle. On observe en effet des organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) utiliser les techniques du lobbying pour promouvoir des causes nobles, à savoir la bonne gouvernance socio-politique, la lutte contre la corruption, l’accès gratuit des personnes vivant avec le VIH aux médicaments essentiels génériques et la promotion de l’hygiène/assainissement aux populations rurales défavorisées. Mais comment les actions de communication sont-elles mises en place ? Et comment peut-on les observer et les analyser du point de vue des Sciences de l’information et de la Communication, en général, et de la Communication des organisations, en particulier ? Notre méthode d’investigation est qualitative et inscrite dans une approche constructiviste. Un guide d’entretien semi-directif nous a aidé à interroger quatre groupes d’ONG, chaque groupe étant composé de quatre structures, soit 16 entretiens au total conduits. L’analyse thématique appliquée au contenu des entretiens, confrontée à d’autres sources d’information comme les articles de presse, nous confirme plusieurs choses. D’une part, il apparaît que les médias sont utilisés comme médiateurs entre Organisations de la société civile – auxquelles les ONG sont rattachées – et groupe des gouvernants. D’autre part, l’étude révèle que la maîtrise de l’information est capitale dans l’exercice de l’influence politique et que la mise en réseau (ou la construction de relations) avec des alliés joue en faveur des structures engagées dans les actions. Ensuite, il ressort le fait que le pouvoir en place, qui n’est pas totalement démocratique, est sensible à la fois aux stratégies de négociation et de confrontation avec les opérateurs de la société civile. Enfin, notre travail laisse voir que les événements focalisant l’attention publique sont des accélérateurs des processus de régulation sociale et politique. / Lobbying, which originates from an anglo-saxon culture, is nowadays widely known as influential efforts oriented towards policy makers and public policies. Burkina Faso, in West Africa, does not depart from this general rule. In effect, one can observe Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) using lobbying techniques to promote great causes including, for instance, good governance in the social-political area, the fight against corruption, the free access to antiretroviral drugs to people living with HIV/AIDS, the promotion of hygiene and sanitation services to disadvantaged rural populations. But how exactly are communications actions put in place? And how can one observe and analyze them from the standpoint of the “Sciences de l’Information et de la Communication” (Public Relations) in general, and the organizational communication, in particular? Our investigation method is qualitative based and constructivist. A semi-structured interview guide has helped collect data from 4 groups of NGOs, each composed of 4 entities, which makes a total of 16 people interviewed. The thematic analysis of the content of all interviews, faced with other sources of information including the media clippings, gave us confirmation of many things. First, we learnt that the media are being used as mediators between Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) – to which NGOs are attached – and the governing body. Secondly, it appears that the control of information is critical to exerting political influence and that networking (or coalition building) with allied people or organizations is also instrumental. Another finding shows that the regime in place, which is not totally democratic, (at the time the study was performed), is open to both negotiation and confrontation strategies with CSOs. Lastly, our study shows that “focusing events” on public opinion are accelerators of social and political regulation process.

Auf der Makroebene der Blogosphäre gibt es die sogenannten „A-Blogger“. Diese zeichnen sich dadurch aus, dass ihr Weblog (Blog) im Gegensatz zur großen Mehrheit der Blogs über sehr viele Inlinks-verfügt. In der Literatur sind verschiedene theoretische Ansätze zu finden, die sich mit der Frage beschäftigen, welche Funktion den A-Bloggern in der Blogosphäre zukommt. So wird beispielsweise davon gesprochen, dass sie eine Agenda-Setting-Funktion für die Blogosphäre einnehmen. Das bedeutet, dass sie die in der Blogosphäre diskutierten Themen vorgeben und somit die anderen Blogs, die über deutlich weniger Links verfügen, in deren Themenwahl beeinflussen. Anhand eines Datensatzes (Burton, Java et al. 2009) soll überprüft werden, ob eine Agenda-Setting-Funktion der deutschen A-Blogger für die deutschsprachige Blogosphäre bestätigt werden kann. Als Methode wird die Hyperlinkanalyse eingesetzt.

With the beginning of the Internet era a lot of the traditional media characteristics along with the classic media theories changed. The foundations of this diploma thesis are built on the question whether the traditional media and the new media are constructing different media images. The topic is further analyzed in the chapters about the construction of reality, media convergence, agenda-setting theory or social network. The analytical parts studied the main sources - television and social network - on the example of the Czech presidential election in 2018. After the data were gathered there were stated thirteen topic clusters and each unit of the collected data was categorized into those. There was also categorization on sources and the amount of representation of every candidate. After analyzing these data a comparison was made and after that a conclusion whether there are any differences between traditional and new media.

What effect do global news agencies have on foreign sections of Czech daily newspapers; that's the focus of this master thesis. The theoretical part of the thesis introduces two before-mentioned concepts of intermedia agenda-setting and globalization of news. Other theoretical concepts like gatekeeping, news values or media routine are also briefly presented. So are profiles of selected media outlets are also presented. Next part of the thesis introduces the reader to methodology upon which the research is based. The research itself is divided into two parts. The first one is a quantitative content analysis of ČTK's foreign news agenda during the specified period. The same analysis was also carried out for selected Czech daily newspapers. The research focused on several variables - what media sources are being used, what topics do the articles cover or who are the actors mentioned in the articles. The second part of the research focused on whether and on what scale do daily papers use texts provided by ČTK and if they're being used without adjustments. Main findings of the research with commentary are presented in the conclusion section of this thesis.

This diploma thesis examines the impact of the former US President Donald Trump's private Twitter account on agenda-building and how the Czech media work with information from this account. The diploma thesis is divided into two parts. The first part of the diploma thesis deals with the key theories and concepts of media studies such as the theory of agenda-setting, gatekeeping, news values, framing and intermedia agenda-setting. It also focuses on the contemporary form of political communication and the phenomenon of celebrity politics. The thesis also includes the overview of existing studies describing the political communication of the former US President Donald Trump on the social networking site Twitter and confirm the agenda-building role of this social network. The second part of the diploma thesis describes the research methodology and subsequent quantitative content analysis of news articles. The findings of quantitative content analysis are explained in the context of the theoretical concepts and previous studies. One of the main findings of this thesis is that Trump was able to some extent build media agenda, frame different topics and events and control his image in the media through his Twitter account.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the presence of first- and second-level agenda setting as well as issue ownership in the 2020 Democratic primary debates and whether there is a relationship between using strategies based on these theories and qualifying for future debates. The study seeks to answer three research questions: What is the relationship, if any, between a candidate whose statements focused primarily on the three issues considered most important by the public according to opinion polls and whether this candidate qualified for future debates? How did candidates use frames to redraw the attention of issues? What is the relationship, if any, between the extent to which a candidate’s statements discussed performance issues more than Republican-owned or Democratic-owned issues and whether this candidate qualified for future debates? The study draws mainly on the first and second level of the agenda setting theory, as well as the theory of issue ownership, and analyzes what issues candidates focus on, what attributes of these issues they emphasize, and whether they discuss performance issues like the economy or foreign policy more than issues owned by either the Republican or the Democratic Party. Through a quantitative content analysis of four candidates’ (Joe Biden, Bernie Sanders, Amy Klobuchar, & Andrew Yang) statements from three of the eleven primary debates held in the 2020 primary process, the study found no direct relationship between focusing on the public’s three most important issues and qualifying for future debates. Similarly, no such relationship was found between emphasizing certain attributes and qualifying for future debates, although the results suggest that candidates may have benefited from avoiding framing issues economically, which concurs with previous findings (Boydstun, Glazier, & Pietryka, 2013a; Boydstun, Glazier, & Phillips, 2013) and supports Vavreck’s (2009) theory that insurgent candidates should not emphasize the economy. Findings also demonstrated the contrasting ways three of the candidates framed the same issues, where Joe Biden and Amy Klobuchar tended to emphasize economic frames when discussing Medicare while Bernie Sanders emphasized effectiveness. Lastly, the findings support previous research on issue ownership since findings showed that most candidates discussed Democratic-owned issues more than other issues, while the eventual presidential nominee, Joe Biden, overall discussed performance issues more than issues owned by either party. This suggests that focusing on such issues may be beneficial for challenging candidates during an election cycle where the sitting president has been criticized for not being able to handle the job. Thus, no direct relationship could be found in the case of RQ1 or RQ2 but discussing performance issues the most overall may have benefited one candidate, suggesting there is a relationship in the case of RQ3. / Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka förekomsten av första och andra nivån av dagordningsteorin samt av issue ownership i Demokraternas primärdebatter 2020 och huruvida det finns någon relation mellan att använda strategier baserade på dessa teorier och att kvalificera sig för framtida debatter. Studien undersöker tre frågeställningar: Vad är relationen, om någon, mellan en kandidat vars uttalanden under debatterna fokuserade främst på de tre frågor som väljarna ansåg var viktigast enligt opinionsundersökningar och huruvida denna kandidat kvalificerade sig för framtida debatter? Hur använde kandidaterna ”frames” för att kontrollera diskussionen kring frågor? Vad är relationen, om någon, mellan den utsträckning en kandidats uttalanden under debatterna diskuterade så kallade ”performance issues” mer än frågor ägda av det republikanska eller demokratiska partiet och huruvida denna kandidat kvalificerade sig för framtida debatter? Studien bygger huvudsakligen på den första och andra nivån av dagordningsteorin, liksom teorin om issue ownership, och analyserar vilka frågor kandidaterna fokuserar på, vilka attribut de betonar när de talar om dessa frågor och om de diskuterar performance issues såsom ekonomi eller utrikespolitik mer än frågor som ägs av antingen republikanska eller demokratiska partiet. Genom en kvantitativ innehållsanalys av fyra kandidaters (Joe Biden, Bernie Sanders, Amy Klobuchar och Andrew Yang) uttalanden från tre av de elva primärdebatterna som hölls under primärprocessen 2020 fann studien ingen direkt relation mellan att fokusera på de tre frågor som väljarna ansåg var viktigast och att kvalificera sig för framtida debatter. Det hittades inte heller någon sådan relation mellan att betona vissa attribut och att kvalificera sig för framtida debatter, även om resultaten tyder på att kandidater kan ha haft nytta av att undvika att betona ekonomiska attribut, vilket överensstämmer med tidigare resultat (Boydstun, Glazier, & Pietryka, 2013a; Boydstun, Glazier, & Phillips, 2013) och stöttar Vavrecks (2009) teori att så kallade ”insurgent candidates” drar nytta av att inte diskutera ekonomin mer än nödvändigt. Resultaten visade också hur olika kandidaternas inramning av en specifik fråga var, då Joe Biden och Amy Klobuchar hade en tendens att betona ekonomiska attribut när de talade om frågor gällande Medicare medan Bernie Sanders fokuserade mer på effektivitetsattribut.  Slutligen stöder studien tidigare forskning om issue ownership då resultaten visade på att de flesta kandidater diskuterade frågor ägda av det demokratiska partiet mer än andra frågor, medan den kandidat som slutligen skulle få det demokratiska partiets presidentsnominering, Joe Biden, totalt sett diskuterade performance issues mer än frågor ägda av något av partierna. Detta tyder på att ett fokus på sådana frågor kan vara till nytta för att utmanande kandidater under en valcykel där den sittande presidenten har kritiserats för sin hantering av arbetet. Således kunde ingen direkt relation hittas när det gällde RQ1 eller RQ2, men resultaten tyder på att en kandidat kan ha gynnats av att diskutera performance issues mest över lag, vilket i sig tyder på att det finns en relation gällnade RQ3.

The goal of here below presented text is the introduction of the concept of the agenda setting and to try to prove the validity of this theory on the thematic field of economic policy in the period from January 2009 to March 2010. For this purpose two data sets were used. The first one, which represents the public agenda, contains the data from continuous research of public opinion realized by the Public opinion research center (CVVM). The second one is the result of the quantitative content analysis of the TV news and presents the importance of the above mentioned thematic field in the media agenda. For proving of the causal relationship in between those two agendas the method of the pair correlations was used. The results confirm the relatively strong correlation between the media coverage of the topic and its position in the public agenda`s framework. It has been proved that an important role in the whole process represents the fact whether the news is domestic or foreign as well as the importance of gender. The time factor appeared also as a main intervening variable.

I denna studie studeras dagordningsteorin, intermedial dagordning och vilken skillnad som underhållningsmedia, i detta fallet dokumentärer och tv-serier, kan ha för hur media rapporterar om olika ämnen och sporter. Syftet i den här studien är att se hur underhållningsmedium potentiellt kan göra intryck på medias dagordning genom intermedial dagordning. Vi använder oss av tv-serien Formula 1: Drive to survive som ett case för att se skillnaden på medias rapportering mellan två olika tidsperioder. För att göra detta använder sig studien av en kvantitativ innehållsanalys där vi analyser artiklar, framtagna från mediearkivet retriever, med hjälp av SPSS. Vi analyserar 200 olika artiklar där 100 stycken är tagna från tidsperioden 2015-2018 och de resterande 100 artiklarna är från 2019-2022. Studiens teoretiska ramverk är dagordningsteorin, intermedial dagordning och gestaltningsteorin. Resultaten från studien visar på ökningar av bland annat mängden pressutskick och artiklar som hanterar ämnet ekonomi. I studien analyserades det även ifall förekomsten av rykten och spekulationer var hög i rapporteringen men det visade den sig inte vara. Vi har sett att fler länder rapporterade om Formel 1 i den andra tidsperioden. Analysen visade en minskning av antalet notiser i den andra tidsperioden och även en ökning av antalet pressutskick i samma tidsperiod. De enda märkvärdiga skillnaderna vad gäller omfång var att standardavvikelsen var lägre i den andra tidsperioden. Framställandet av Formel 1 tycks inte ha förändrats på något markant sätt efter Formula 1: Drive to Survive. Utifrån vår studie så finns det få markanta skillnader mellan tidsperioderna. I denna studie och i detta case så ser vi inte att det skett något markant intermedial dagordning även ifall allmänheten möjligtvis har fått ett större intresse för Formel 1 efter Formula 1: Drive to Survive. / In this paper we are studying the agenda setting theory, intermedial agenda setting and what differences entertainment, in this case documentaries and tv-series, can make on how the media are reporting on different subjects and sports. The purpose of this study is to see how entertainment media can potentially make an imprint on the media’s agenda setting through intermedial agenda setting. We are using the tv-series Formula 1: Drive to survive as a case to see the differences in how the media are reporting on the sport between two different time periods. To accomplish this we are using a quantitative content analysis where we analyze articles, collected with mediearkivet retriever, with the help of SPSS. We analyzed 200 articles with 100 articles taken from the time period of 2015-2018 and the remaining 100 articles taken from the period 2019-2022. The theoretical framework of the study is the agenda setting theory, intermedial agenda setting and framing theory. The results of the study show increases in, among other things, the amount of press releases and articles dealing with economics as a subject. In the study, it was also analyzed if the occurrence of rumors and speculation was high in the reporting, but it turned out not to be. We have seen more countries reporting on Formula 1 in the second time period. The analysis showed a decrease in the number of notices in the second time period and also an increase in the number of press releases in the same time period. The only significant differences in scope of the articles were that the standard deviation was markedly lower in the second time period. The representation of Formula 1 does not seem to have changed in any significant way after Formula 1: Drive to Survive. Based on our study, there are few differences between the time periods. In this study and in this case, we do not see that there has been any significant intermedial agenda setting, even if the public has possibly gained a greater interest in Formula 1 after Formula 1: Drive to Survive.