Media Literacy handlar om att vara mediekompetent. Det innebär i sin tur att kunna ta till sig information som man kritiskt granskar, ifrågasätter och värderar. Det innebär också att man ska kunna bilda sig en egen uppfattning kring informationen, kunna argumentera för den och producera ett eget innehåll där källor, resonemang och argumentation framgår. I och med de stora förändringarna av informationsflödet i samhället och den nya kommunikations-teknologin, så har behovet av mediekompetens ökat. Eftersom detta är en viktig färdighet för alla samhällsmedborgare i ett demokratiskt samhälle, börjar övning och utveckling av mediekompetensen i skolan. I styrdokumenten från Skolverket finns direktiv att eleverna i skolan, framförallt i gymnasieskolan, bland annat ska utveckla förmågan att kunna söka information, kritiskt granska källor, värdera trovärdigheten och kunna diskutera och ta ställning kring olika samhällsfrågor. För att kontrollera att detta verkligen sker och för att se hur mediekompetenta eleverna är i gymnasieskolan, har intervjuer med lärare utförts. Alla de intervjuade lärarna undervisar i gymnasiegemensamma ämnen  som samtliga elever läser oavsett vilket gymnasieprogram de har valt att gå och som innefattas av direktiv från Skolverket som berör mediekompetens. Dessa ämnen är samhällskunskap, svenska, engelska, historia och religion.  I intervjuerna framgår det att lärarna upplever elevernas mediekompetens som ganska låg, men att det ändå sker en tydlig utveckling från årskurs ett till årskurs tre. Lärarna anser att det finns ett behov av att utveckla denna kompetens hos eleverna ännu mer eftersom de tycker att det är en viktig färdighet att behärska oavsett vad man väljer att göra i livet framöver. Majoriteten av lärarna tycker dessutom att det ligger på skolans ansvar att denna kompetens utvecklas hos eleverna, men att det i dagsläget inte är möjligt att lägga mer tid på det eftersom det råder resursbrist. Lärarna kan alltså inte uppfylla de direktiv som Skolverket ger fullt ut gällande mediekompetensen eftersom det är många moment som ska få plats inom varje kurs. En ny fråga uppstår därför efter arbetet med denna uppsats. Borde mediekompetens vara ett eget obligatoriskt ämne i gymnasieskolan? Vad skulle det få för konsekvenser? Denna nya frågeställning behandlas dock inte i denna uppsats, men är ett uppslag för kommande studenter att forska kring.

<p>I dagens samhälle går det inte att undvika alla de medier som omger oss och de budskap som de sänder till oss. Vem eller vad det är som har makten att bestämma vad som kommer i medierna har även delvis makt över oss. Det är viktigt att vi är medvetna om vem eller vad det är som besitter den här makten. Det är på det sättet vi kan bestämma hur vi ska närma oss medierna och vi kan ha ett mer kritiskt förhållningssätt till vår omvärld.</p><p>I den här studien tittar jag närmare på vad det är som påverkar hur en fråga framställs i medierna. Jag analyserar de två ledande dagstidningarna i Sverige och Danmark för att se vad det är som påverkar hur dessa två tidningar skrev om Irakkonflikten under första halvåret av 2004. Mina huvudsakliga frågeställningar är:</p><p>• Framställs Irakkonflikten från 1 januari 2004 till 30 juni 2004 positivt, negativt eller neutralt i Dagens Nyheter och Jyllandsposten?</p><p>• Vilka eventuella skillnader och likheter finns mellan de två tidningarnas framställningar?</p><p>• Vad kan, i så fall, dessa skillnader och likheter bero på?</p><p>Den här studien visar att både Dagens Nyheter och Jyllandsposten skrev om Irakkonflikten på ett negativt sätt när det handlar om huruvida kriget var rättfärdigt. Även om det finns vissa ordval som jag anser är värderande och partiska är det i första hand att vad man har valt att skriva om som avslöjar ståndpunkten. I både Jyllandsposten och Dagens Nyheter handlar fler artiklar om demonstrationer och individer som uttalar sig negativt om konflikten, än vad det förekommer artiklar som beskriver åsikter som är positiva till den.</p><p>Den här studien visar att tidningarnas täckning av Irak påverkas av fyra anledningar; landets utrikespolitiska ställning, den folkliga opinionen, journalistens stationering och användningen av nyhetsbyråer.</p><p>Den utrikespolitiska ställningen är viktig och sammanfaller ofta med tidningens synpunkter. Det här är fallet med Dagens Nyheter men Jyllandsposten har visat att den folkliga opinionen väger tyngre. Tidningar vill inte gå emot folkets åsikt eftersom de då skulle riskera att förlora läsare och därmed intäkter.</p><p>Journalistens stationering har också visat sig vara viktig då den innebär att tidningen får tillgång till fler källor om den finns på plats i landet. Den skriver fler personliga berättelser om Irakier om de finns i Irak. Stationeringen är också nära sammankopplad med hur många artiklar man köper in från nyhetsbyråer.</p><p>Studien har visat att tidningarna köper in väldigt många artiklar från nyhetsbyråer och förlitar sig även på andra medier för att skriva sina artiklar. Detta innebär att det egentligen inte alltid är den egna tidningen som sätter agendan utan en tredje och ofta gemensam källa för både Dagens Nyheter och Jyllandsposten. Denna gemensamma källa utgörs av en liten grupp sammanvävda aktörer genom sin storlek och makt i medievärlden är de som egentligen har den verkliga makten över dagordningen.</p>

This dissertation seeks to understand how the need for orientation (NFO) and motivated reasoning influence the agenda-setting process at the level of the individual by examining whether and to what extent the two types of motivations guide individuals to process information differently, thereby resulting in differences in the second level of agenda-setting effects. The first motivation, the need for orientation (NFO), was developed as part of the agenda-setting theory in communication studies, while the other set of motivations (i.e., accuracy and directional goals) was introduced by the theory of motivated reasoning that was developed in the field of psychology. By combining the two motivations - NFO and motivated reasoning - this study demonstrated that the role of NFO on the agenda setting process was moderated by motivated reasoning, accuracy and directional goals. In other words, participants with High-NFO who used accuracy goals that motivated them to seek information in accurate ways searched for more news about unemployment which was manipulated as the most salient attribute. Their information seeking behaviors, in turn, led to higher agenda-setting effects. By comparison, participants with High-NFO who used directional goals to seek information that was congruent with their prior perspectives or perceptions were less likely to seek information about unemployment and showed lower agenda-setting effects. Overall, the findings of this study suggest that individuals’ motivation to seek more information about an issue (NFO) may not always result in higher agenda-setting effects: if their motivations are biased by strong prior perceptions or perspectives, then their eagerness to seek information may blind them to what the media cover. Individuals’ motivations are expected to play an increasingly important role in their information seeking behaviors in the new media environment where people have unprecedented opportunities to access a broad range of information that varies in content as well as perspectives. Implications for the findings of this study and for the role of the media in a democratic society are also discussed. / text

This study examined second-level agenda setting effects of six news sources on public opinion about the health care reform bill proposed by President Obama and congressional Democrats. The affective attributes (tone) of media coverage were measured immediately and cumulatively. A regression analysis found cumulative affective attribute salience, but not immediate affective attribute salience, was a significant predictor of support in public opinion polls. Separate regression analyses found that effects were greater on Republicans than on those who identified with another political party. A final regression analysis was performed to examine whether support in public opinion polls was a predictor of affective attribute salience in the media. Support was also measured both immediately and cumulatively. Findings show that only immediate support in public opinion polls was a predictor of affective attribute salience in the media. The political implications and the consequences for health care policy are discussed.

This investigation of the 2014 midterm election brings together research in communication, journalism, political science, and sociology. Incorporating concepts of interdependence through the application of social network analysis, I analyzed how journalists construct and utilize networks of news sources in election coverage. Survey results indicate that journalists use sources in a complementary fashion in order to fulfill their resource needs. Such perceptions are also dependent on aspects of the journalist, news norms, organizational pressures, and extra-media influences. Overall, source networks are strategically used to fulfill traditional journalistic norms of objectivity and credibility as well as economic and entertainment needs. Content analysis results suggest that, along with more traditional variables such as ownership and source type, networks characteristics also influence new outcomes, with higher network density resulting in increases in issue coverage. In other words, greater connections among sources may result in more substantive information being passed on to voters. For the field of communication, this study enhances our understanding of agenda building and framing by revealing (1) how journalists perceive their networks (networks to journalists), (2) how they translate real life networks into symbolic networks within news coverage (networks from journalists), (3) how source networks vary across time and election contexts (networks across time), and (4) how such networks influence coverage outcomes. It furthers our understanding of the role interdependence plays in news construction and suggests the incorporation of network concepts and measures will increase our understanding of the news production process.

The radio is a medium we often listen to whilst doing something else. We wake up, do the dishes, cook or drive to work. Radio as a medium reaches many people, regardless of whether it is through conscious or unconscious listening. We thereby thought it was an important medium to scrutinize in our study. The focus of our study is on the gender representation in P3 Nyheters broadcasts. We scrutinize the representation of gender as well as looking at potential differences in the way men and women are heard. The theoretical frame of reference of the study is primarily based on the agenda-setting theory, which is built on the notion that the media is involved in deciding what subjects we have opinions about, since these subjects are often the ones highlighted by the media. The gender perspective with its theses concerning homosexuality, the masculine norm and the gender stereotypic contract is another theoretic source that the study is based upon. We are also utilizing the theses of hard and soft news to emphasize who gets to talk about what in regards to what is traditionally perceived as feminine and masculine. The results show in a comprehensive way that the stereotypic genders that were created during the ancient time, still remain. Women usually have their say regarding unenlightened public opinion, consumer, neighbor, mother or wife of the man the story is really concerning. The men on the other hand have their say in topics where they get to shine in matters seen as of political relevance and importance to society. The women are under-represented and are portrayed as victims while the men are over-represented and are perceived as experts, which contribute to enhancing stereotypic genders with the masculine norm within the power center of society. The studied material clearly shows signs that P3 Nyheter is far from equal in regards to gender representation, hence, we believe that representation of gender in media is a field that demands more research in order to change or break the masculine norms of the mediasphere.

A controversial party’s entry into parliament - a review of Expressen’s depiction of the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) The purpose of this essay was to study how Expressen presents the Sweden Democrats, as well as reasoning about the effects this depiction could have on the citizens’ opinion. Using a quantitative method I studied 122 articles, and through a qualitative method four of these could be further analyzed to reach a deeper result. The theoretical perspective that was applied in this study was primary agenda-setting and framing theory, to illuminate the power of media. The result showed that a prominent theme was to present Sweden Democrats as racists. Other recurring themes were to include the party misfortunate-, successful, crime-related scandals and as victims. It also showed that the Sweden Democrats rarely gets to speak in the articles and that the headlines and events are angled in an unfavorable way for the party.

The intention of the project is to determine whether political elites have to discuss an issue using a specific emotional tone before the public and other political elites consider that issue a problem. Research has not yet demonstrated under what conditions elite rhetorical cues can heighten issue attention. Past studies have suggested that an increase in the absolute intensity of elite issue discussion can heighten perceptions of an issue as a problem. The problem with this notion is that within that absolute issue discussion, elites might simply be repeatedly saying conditions related to an issue are stable. They might also be presenting basic factual background information about an issue, a type of discussion unlikely to capture the interest of many in the political system. There has to be a specific type of cue that elites can offer to compel others in the political system to reconsider their outlook on issue salience. Derived from dual systems theories of emotion, the dissertation predicts that issue discussion that heightens feelings of anxiety increases the likelihood of an altered outlook on issue salience. To evaluate this prediction, time series statistical techniques are employed. The time series models evaluate whether prior change in the level of anxietybased cues by the president and the media predict changes in the level of attention the public offers to that issue. The same types of models evaluate whether this form of issue discussion by the president predicts issue dynamics of the media, and vice-versa. The several issues studied are crime, health care, poverty, and the environment. Information spanning thirty years is collected from presidential papers, general and ideological media newspaper coverage, and multiple public survey organizations. The findings suggest anxiety-based issue discussion does have the potential to guide issue attention. Prior changes in anxiety-based cues do predict future levels of attention the public provides to issues. A positive shift in anxiety cues by elites appears to have the capacity to increase public attention to issues. This increase though appears to be very small and abbreviated, suggesting limited effects. Elites do not appear to influence each other through anxiety cues.

This work investigates the question, “what made ethanol’s time come when it did?” The case examined is the Energy Policy Act of 2005 (P.L. 109-158), a landmark public policy law implemented in the United States to address the nation’s energy concerns. The Act’s emphasis on ethanol as a central part of the solution to address the energy crisis represented perhaps the most significant single policy shift in the history of the nation’s energy programme. This research draws attention to the process that resulted in ethanol being given a key role in American energy policy by investigating the pre-decision, agenda setting stage, of the process. Using qualitative research methodologies, this study conducts a historical case study analysis of the Energy Policy Act of 2005. The Multiple Streams agenda setting framework developed by Kingdon ([1984] 1995) is the one which forms the backbone of the study. This research suggests that the greatest influence on ethanol’s placement on the agenda was the way in which policy problems were constructed. When the energy, agricultural, and environmental problems that had garnered ethanol some legislative consideration in the 1970s and 1980s reemerged in the early 2000s, ethanol emerged as an attractive policy option that was seen as addressing each of these concerns. The role of interest groups and policy entrepreneurs helped to reinforce the relationship between these problems. The tactic of seeking aid from the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) and the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) had its advantages, as support from these agencies gave the proposals offered by pro-ethanol interest groups and corn state politicians greater weight. In addition, the fall in political influence of the petroleum industry (a traditionally effective oppositional force to the advance of ethanol) helped to facilitate and reinforce favourable political factors such as pro-ethanol presidential campaign platforms and a public mood that favoured decisive action. With some small modifications, Kingdon’s agenda setting framework, originally designed and applied in the context of health and transportation, holds up well when extended to the energy policy domain. One key point where the energy agenda setting process appears to diverge from Kingdon’s model occurs in the problem stream, which does not appear to be distinct from the political stream. Instead, this research suggests that problem definition plays a strong role in informing the content of the political stream. Kingdon’s framework has significant potential to enhance our knowledge of alternative energy policy formation.

On November 8, 2001, the Government of Manitoba announced that the number of school divisions and districts in the province would be reduced from 54 to 37. With that policy announcement, Manitoba embarked upon the most significant restructuring of school board governance arrangements since the late 1950s. The purpose of the research was to examine the school division amalgamation initiative as a case study in policy-making by the Government of Manitoba. The study investigated the nature of this initiative, including its origin, development, eventual conclusion and implementation. The fundamental question addressed by the study was this: Why was school division amalgamation an idea whose time had come in Manitoba? Discussion of amalgamation had been active within the Progressive Conservative administration of Gary Filmon since the early 1990s, but despite the recommendation in 1995 of a provincially established Boundaries Review Commission to move forward with government directed amalgamation, the idea languished until a newly-elected provincial government under Gary Doer, leader of the New Democratic Party, assumed power in 1999. The theoretical framework used in addressing the question posed relied primarily upon the work of John Kingdon (Agendas, Alternatives and Public Policies) who contends that there must be a timely convergence of three key aspects of policy formation: problems, solutions and politics. Therefore, the study examined the key role of elected officials in promoting certain policy ideas and their impact on the decisions of government at specific times. It also compared and contrasted the differing policy approaches taken by the Filmon and Doer regimes on this question, and assesses the opportunities and constraints which explain the differences found. The study relied on extant public documents and other primary sources, and especially the expressed view or position of certain elected officials and supporting staff gained through one-on-one in-depth interviews. The focus of the analysis was an attempt to assess the interplay of problem, solution, and politics, and whether or not it reveals what Kingdon has called a “window of opportunity” for decisive action by government. The study showed that, indeed, the window of opportunity for amalgamation occurred with the convergence of three forces by 2001: pervasive indicators of a problem; promotion of amalgamation as a policy solution previously tried in Manitoba and elsewhere; and the election of a new government in 1999 which was receptive to pursuing some degree of change with respect to school division governance and organization.