Political theorists disagree on the origin of justice. According to the cosmopolitan conception of justice, duties of justice are pre-political and universal. According to the political conception of justice, on the other hand, full duties of justice arise within and only within the context of a political community. Which one of these conceptions one adopts will have a comprehensive impact on ethical issues concerning global justice, such as migration ethics and foreign assistance. In this paper I argue that the political conception is problematic, since it cannot be applied in cases of anarchy. Since anarchic societies are not politically organized, the political conception implies that they are not bound by full duties of justice. Thus, the political conception is unable to criticize some rival theories of justice, such as anarchistic libertarianism, for being unjust. Reversely, if one does find anarchic societies unjust, this intuition speaks against the political conception of justice, but in favor of the cosmopolitan conception. I illustrate my argument by applying it in the case of liberal egalitarianism.

Cette thèse porte sur une analyse diachronique du rapport entre l'anarchisme, les techniques du corps sorcellerie dans la pratique du Mesing et arts martiaux au Gabon. Cette étude porte exclusivement sur le groupe ethno linguistique fang du Gabon. Le but de ce travail est de démontrer le lien existant entre ses deux domaines d'étude. en effet, quels rapports les sports de combat et la sorcellerie des fangs du Gabon pourraient ils bien entretenir avec un projet politique né en Europe, au lendemain des lumières et au moment où cette même Europe se préparait, au nom des lumières justement (du progrès et de la raison), à imposer à l'ensemble de l'Afrique la morgue et la bassesse mercantile de sa domination. l'anarchisme est apparu au XIXe siècle, en Europe. et on perçoit mieux, avec le temps, en quoi, de par son lieu, son époque et sa nature, il a constitué, à l'échelle de l'ensemble des expérimentations humaines, une alternative radicale au monde où il naissait, l'affirmation et l'espérance d'une altérité à la fois intérieure et extérieure, dans les coursives de l'Europe et des amériques comme dans l'intensité des résistances à l'impérialisme et aux dominations des entreprises coloniales. ce travail s'efforce à montrer comment les fangs du Gabon et d'ailleurs, aux côtés de beaucoup d'autres et de multiple façon, mobilisaient tous leurs savoirs magiques et guerriers sous forme anarchique pour résister à la domination coloniale. / This thesis focuses on a diachronic analysis of the relationship between anarchism, the techniques of body witchcraft in the practice of the Mesing and martial arts in Gabon. This study focuses exclusively on the fang ethno linguistic group of Gabon. The aim of this work is to demonstrate the link between his fields of study.Indeed, what combat sports reports and witchcraft of the Fang of Gabon could they keep with a political project born in Europe, in the wake of the enlightenment and the moment where this same Europe preparing,on behalf of the lights just (progress and reason), to impose on the whole of Africa the morgue and the mercantile baseness of his domination. Anarchism emerged in the 19th century in Europe. And there is better, over time, what, from his place, his time and his nature, he was across all the human experiments, a radical alternative to the world where he was born, the affirmation and the hope of an otherness, both indoor andoutdoor, in the corridors of Europe and the Americas as in the intensity of resistance to imperialism and domination of colonial enterprises. This work strives to show how the Fang of Gabon and elsewhere, along with many others and multiple way, mobilized all their knowledge magic and warriors in anarchic form to resist colonial rule.

The philosopher A. John Simmons has early on put forward a defense for philosophical anarchism. He believes that he has succeeded to establish that the different non-voluntaristic attempts to explain state legitimacy all fail to give a solid explanation of how states can be legitimate without expressed consent. In the light of the huge problems to establish legitimacy on pure voluntaristic grounds he concludes that it there might not exist any legitimate states. In the reality of this, he believes philosophical anarchism must be considered as a possible theory in political thought.An important notion in Simmons’ philosophical anarchism is to distinguish between legitimacy and justification. In the Kantian understanding of justification, it entails legitimacy. This is not so in the Lockean way of thinking, according to Simmons. This distinction is crucial for understanding Simmons’ version of philosophical anarchism where one could endorse and regard a state as justified without having to admit that it is legitimate.Luara Ferracioli has tried a slightly different approach and has argued for that there is a contradiction within philosophical anarchism. She has tried to show that a liberal state is the only guaranty to safeguard the autonomy of children. This creates a conflict for the anarchist where both the endorsement and the disproval of the state renders the anarchist to deny a group autonomy (children or adults).In the end, I argue for that Simmons’ philosophical anarchism survives this attack by maintaining his weaker form of philosophical anarchism and sticking to his distinction between justification and legitimacy of the state. The downside of his theory, however, seems to be that we are left with a rather lukewarm theory that may not change much in practice.

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The Red Scare of 1919-1920 has been presented as a wave of anti-Radical hysteria that swept post WWI America; a hysteria to which the state reluctantly capitulated to by arresting Radicals and deporting those alien Radicals they deemed most threatening. This presentation, however, is ludicrous when the motivations of the state and its conservative allies are examined. The truth of the matter was that almost all of the people targeted by the Red Scare represented no significant threat to the institutions of the United States and were merely targeted for holding Leftwing ideas, or being connected to a group that did. This work examines how the Red Scare deportations were used as a performance to gain power and funding for the Bureau of Investigation and how the Bureau sought to use this performance to set itself up as the premier anti-Radical agency in the United States. While the topic of the Red Scare of 1919-1920 has been thoroughly covered, most works on the subject attempt to cover the whole affair or even address it as part of a larger study of political repression in the United States. In these accounts these authors do not see the Red Scare as a performance, which culminated in the Soviet Ark deportations, put on by the BI in order to fulfill its goal of expanding its own importance. This work addresses the events leading up to climactic sailing of the Soviet Ark, as political theater put on by the BI and its allies in order to impress policy makers and other conservative interest groups. Since the Soviet Ark deportations were the climax of the Red Scare performance, this work addresses the event as a theatrical production and follows a three act dramatic structure. It begins by exploring the cast of characters, both individuals and organizations, in the BI’s performance. This is followed by an analysis of the rising action of the BI, and other reactionary iii groups in the evolution of their grand performance. Finally the deportations serve as the climax of the Red Scare in this performance that the BI and its allies would use to justify an expansion of their influence. Through the use of government records, biographies, and first hand accounts, this work explores the Soviet Ark deportations as the high point of the first Red Scare, the point in which the BI and its allies took their quest for expanded power the furthest before having to change course. The grand performance that the Bureau of Investigation put on is looked at, not as a response to placate others – something the BI was merely swept up in – but as a performance that they designed to meet the specific needs of their campaign to grow their agency, a performance for which they were willing to draft those that represented no real threat despite the consequences to those individuals.

In 1911, the Uruguayan Parliament approved a law of mandatory smallpox vaccination. It was a controversial measure that generated a strong anti-vaccination campaign, led by the naturist movement. Embracing a transcendental understanding of nature, they saw vaccines and surgeries as a threat to the natural balance between body and soul. In this dissertation, I study how Uruguayan naturists positioned themselves as a secular alternative to science that combined reason and spirituality, and I show how they had a documented impact on the local political and scientific culture. By focusing on a country with a distinct anti-clerical tradition, I bring to the fore how apparently contradictory phenomena like secularity and spirituality overlap. The spirituality imbricated in their idea of nature, I conclude, resulted in conservative political gestures, even within progressive movements. Among many other things, they embraced a language of purity and sacredness around the body, both human and animal, that led them to the opposition to vaccinations, surgeries and meat consumption, which they regarded as violent moral transgressions. The influence of naturism in the country has not yet been sufficiently considered, and my research presents a first approach to a central aspect of the intellectual life of the period. Besides being a popular movement, it influenced key political, scientific and cultural figures, who, in turn, shaped laws, scientific policies and the elite’s understanding of science and its possibilities. To demonstrate this, through a cultural studies perspective, and in dialogue with science and technology studies and medical humanities, I do close-readings of an unexplored archive of naturist and theosophist periodicals, pamphlets and books published in the first two decades of the 20th century. I also study more well-known anarchist publications and philosophical works by prestigious medical doctors, such as Mateo Legnani (1884-1964), and Carlos Santín Rossi (1884-1936), both close to naturism, focusing on how they also represent an alternative body of knowledge where scientific thought and spirituality coalesce. I conclude by studying essays by the Spanish-Paraguayan writer Rafael Barrett (1876-1910), who debated with the Uruguayan naturists and wrote illuminating pieces on the issue. To this end, I structure the dissertation in three chapters. In the first one, I discuss the political impact of naturism and argue that the movement’s opposition to the 1911 law of compulsory smallpox vaccination highlighted the Government's tendency to subordinate individual freedoms, a fundamental principle of the newly formed liberal state, to what they saw as the common good, which contradicted the Government’s modernizing discourse and agenda. Moreover, naturists formulated some well-founded systematic critiques of the political values imbricated in academic medicine. By pointing this out, I challenge the opposition between them and university trained physicians, the latter historically represented as defenders of science and reason, and the former as religious fanatics. Indeed, the public health paradigm adopted by medical authorities appealed to nature in a very similar way than naturists did. Several renowned medical doctors, some of them parliamentary representatives, without openly identifying themselves as such made direct references to naturists’ precepts in their books and in public documents, including law bills. The second chapter revolves around the vision of science developed by naturism and its political and epistemological implications; there, I argue that while naturists amplified the metaphysical elements present in the history of medicine, from vitalism to Neo-Hippocratism and romanticism, such spiritual views remained compatible with the anticlericalism that characterized the Uruguayan society. I study two iterations of the movement that represent different understandings of science and that reveal specific political and philosophical tensions present in Uruguayan society. One of them, led by Antonio Valeta (1882-1945), proposed an accessible version of science, highlighting the autonomy of the individual. He appealed to values of freedom and personal effort that were part of the liberal imaginary and came into tension with the centrality of the state and its reformist agenda. The second one was developed by Fernando Carbonell (1880-1947), a member of the Theosophical Society and other esoteric groups. His vision was informed by a sophisticated system of beliefs, composed of mystical and conceptually dense metaphysical, ethical and aesthetic teachings that led to valid epistemological criticisms to the model of laboratory science that was being embraced by the authorities. In the third and final chapter, elaborating on the fact that naturists and other groups across the political spectrum mobilized a secular spirituality inherent to the idea of nature, I posit that this led to conservative political positions, even within progressive movements and individuals that were attracted to naturist precepts. Indeed, naturism explicitly opposed actions that could be considered revolutionary in favor of a gradual evolutionism, appealing to the same principle of non-violence embraced in their vegetarianism. In turn, they elevated the philosophical and metaphysical purity of the defense of the life of all beings above the actual living conditions of people and human suffering, romanticizing poverty and illiteracy as states closer to nature. To conclude, my dissertation brings attention to the diversity of belief systems and values still at stake in the present-day scientific landscape. Current iterations of naturism, as illustrated by the anti-vaccination movement both in Uruguay and internationally, resort to claims and arguments eerily similar to those developed more than 100 years ago in Montevideo and other parts of the world. Now, as they did in the past, activists advocate for individual freedom and against the intervention of foreign substances that alter the natural balance of their bodies. Moreover, within the context of the coronavirus pandemic, scientific discussions are taking over the public sphere in an unprecedented way, echoing past dynamics where public figures denounced scientists as biased and despotic elitists who wanted to subject the people to their arbitrary regulations.

THE SPITE HOUSE, OR, ARRESTED DEVELOPMENT is the beginning of a novel in verse about Rick, an angry millennial who works odd jobs, joins a commune, and explores the subtle art of being a class traitor.

L’objectif de cette étude est de présenter une lecture critique et raisonnée de l’œuvre de Léo Malet. Une part importante est consacrée à sa production écrite, constituée de plus de cinq mille pages, allant des poèmes surréalistes aux romans populaires et policiers. Mais l’apport de l’écrivain à d’autres champs de la création n’en est pas exclu pour autant. A cet important corpus, il a fallu trouver un fil directeur, permettant d’aborder à la fois la personnalité et l’œuvre de l’auteur. C’est la quête d’une unité derrière une apparente hétérogénéité qui a semblé l’axe le plus à même de guider l’analyse : elle constitue la problématique de fond de ce travail. Le développement suit une progression en sept temps : Le premier est consacré à la présentation de la vie de l’auteur, soulignant la dimension éminemment autobiographique de son œuvre. L’étude de son évolution idéologique en est le prolongement naturel. La période surréaliste est abordée, du fait de son importance et de son apparente singularité dans le parcours de Malet. La quatrième partie analyse le choix de Malet de s’orienter vers la littérature populaire. On voit alors comment il se trouve à l’origine de la triple rupture épistémologique du roman policier français au cours du XXe siècle. La spécificité de son regard et de son écriture est ensuite évoquée, à travers une approche plus stylistique. Pour finir est évoquée la durable influence qu’a eue Léo Malet sur les diverses formes de la culture populaire française. / This study’s purpose is to survey and analyse Leo Malet’s work. It is mainly devoted to his written productions [more than 5.000 pages…], from Surrealist poems to popular and detective novels. Nevertheless, other artistic fields are not left apart. Because of his taking part in them, or because of his contribution, some films, TV productions or comics are also mentioned. Given the size of this corpus, a guiding thread had to be found, which could deal with the author’s personality as well as his work. The search for unity behind apparent heterogeneity seemed to be the best way to guide the analysis: it thus constitutes the central line of this study. The structure of this work decomposes into seven parts: The first one is devoted to the presentation of the author’s life; it allows to show how autobiographic his work is. The study of his ideological evolution follows, in a second part. The Surrealist period is evoked, because of its importance and of its apparent peculiarity within Malet’s work. Fourth part deals with Malet’s choice to turn towards popular literature. Then it is explained how he provoked a major evolution of the 20th century French detective novel. A survey of his personal style brings to light the specificity of his vision and of his way of writing. The last part eventually analyses Leo Malet’s long-lasting influence in French popular culture.

Esta tese trata da Contracultura: conjunto de movimentos de rebelião juvenil das décadas de 1960 e 1970, mas cujas raízes são anteriores, tendo como eixo temático a obra de Raul Seixas, no que se refere ao projeto de construção de uma Sociedade Alternativa. A Sociedade Alternativa é considerada por mim como o enorme leque de lutas libertárias de toda uma geração jovem que ousou discordar das \"verdades prontas e acabadas\" que nos são oferecidas pelo mundo capitalista. / This thesis deals with counterculture: the whole of movements of juvenile rebellion of the decades of 1960 and 1970, having as thematic axle the musical composition of Raul Seixas, as for the project of the construction of an Alternative Society. The Alternative Society is considered by me as the enormous fan of libertarian fights of all a young generation that dared to disagree with the \"ready and finished truths\" that in is offered by the capitalist world.