O objeto da tese é o significado das questões econômicas da economia, plano econômico da realidade, e da Economia Política, conhecimento econômico - no pensamento de Proudhon entre 1838-1847. Situada no campo da História Intelectual e considerando os textos do autor no período como partes constitutivas de um corpus, a tese tencionou demonstrar o importante papel que o autor atribuiu à economia tanto na preservação quanto na transformação da ordem social e como a Economia Política foi usada, criticada e transformada por ele para efeitos de análise e transformação dessa mesma ordem. / The object of the thesis is the meaning of the economic questions - of economy, economic realm of reality, and the Political Economy, economic knowledge - in the thought of Proudhon between 1838-1847. Situated in the field of Intellectual History and considering the texts of the author in the period as constituent parts of a corpus, the thesis intended to demonstrate the important role that the author attributed to the economy both in the preservation and in the transformation of the social order, and how the Political Economy was used, criticized and transformed by him for the purpose of analysis and transformation of this same order.

The major objective of my thesis was to understand why sectors of the reconstructed anarcho-syndicalist trade union, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo, were addressing concerns which were identical to sectors of the Marxist Left in other countries of Europe, For my views on anarchism had been informed by a Marxist interpretation of anarchism, which rested on the assumption that anarchism was an agrarian, and/or a petit bourgeois philopsopy which could have little relevance in advanced industrial societies. This anomaly - my experience of anarchist militants within the CUT, and the vision of anarchism expounded by "classical" Marxism - led me to undertake an historical study of the Spanish anarchist movement and a theoretical study of Marxist and anarchist thought. Moreover, in order to understand the demands of the anarchists and the CNT during the 1960's and 1970's, I had to thoroughly study the developments which had taken place within the workers' and student movements during the Francoist period, and the nature of the CUT organisation in exile, factors which would bear heavily on the CNT's attempt at reconstruction. Through extensive interviewing and the use of documents, I tried to piece together the process of anarchist re-emergence in Spain from the mid-1960s, and the nature of the reconstruction of the CUT during the political transition to democracy in Spain in 1976-1979. The overall theme of my thesis centres on the relationship between Marxism and anarchism, and their relationship to historical development and tradition. By emphasising the importance of historical tradition - the political aspect most sorely underestimated in both Marxist and anarchist thought - I hope my thesis will contribute towards the possibility of a more realisable socialist utopia.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is emerging as a significant security organisation in Central Asia, but remains understudies in academia. This thesis analyses SCO using primary research interviews across its member-states, and by drawing on theoretical literatures developed for security and regionalism in the developing world. The role of SCO as a security provider and the nature of cooperation within its framework are examined, challenging existing assumptions. It is argued that the SCO is not an "empty vessel" aimed at countering Western influence, but a framework for cooperation on the primary interest of its member-states,regime security. To this end, it is focussed on addressing non-traditional security challenges within Central Asia, and has developed an institutional framework that takes into account the reservations of its member-states' elites about ceding national sovereignty. The thesis concludes that this approach has enabled SCO to become an important element in its member-states' regional policy. In addition, mainstream literatures on regional institutions are critiqued, in particular the impliciit assumption that cooperation between states that are not pluralistic liberal-democracies is inherently limited. To the contrary, in regions of weak states, regime security provides the basis for a different form of cooperation that should not be dismissed.

This case study examines contemporary Belarus as an example of a modern non-democratic regime. Two sets of questions are answered which relate firstly to the characteristics of the successful authoritarian consolidation which has taken place under President Aliaksandr Lukashenka over the years since his initial election in 1994, and secondly to the factors which have discouraged disloyalty to the authorities and contributed to the marginalisation of any opposition. The thesis argues that a concept of ‘adaptive authoritarianism’ is the most appropriate term to describe the non-democratic system constructed around Lukashenka. The research develops a conceptual framework based on existing models used in comparative politics, which are then applied in a manner which reflects the realities of the political landscape in Belarus by taking a bottom-up approach to identifying and analysing the structures in place. Adaptive authoritarianism is classified as featuring electoral authoritarianism with neopatrimonial tendencies; seeking to claim legitimacy through a mixture of charisma, populism, rational self-interest and resigned acceptance; employing both high-intensity and low-intensity techniques of state coercion; and demonstrating pragmatism, expediency and opportunism to modify and adapt the approaches and policies pursued at any given time, as deemed in the best interests of the incumbent.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-06-12T12:41:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Gustavo Ferreira Simões.pdf: 8116368 bytes, checksum: 0439c61cff6b118ec6caa1d0492422a2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-12T12:41:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gustavo Ferreira Simões.pdf: 8116368 bytes, checksum: 0439c61cff6b118ec6caa1d0492422a2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-02 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / In 1988, John Cage invented Anarchy, an experimental-writing book in which he praised the lives of anarchist women and men who had influence his anarchist ethicalaesthetical trajectory from mid-1940s to the 1990s. This influence was explicit until the last of his works, entitled “number pieces” (1987-1990), in which he presented what he called the “anarchical harmony”. During the 1940s, John Cage, by then an already famous artist after his “prepared piano”, started experiencing anarchism as a life practice in contact with artists and militants in the Black Mountain College and with The Living Theatre troupe in New York. In 1952, his piece 4’33” appeared as an anarchist-oriented direct action against the musical representations of sounds and in favour of the incorporation of noises excluded from the concert rooms. The following decades, living alongside artists and anarchists in the country side location of Stonypoint, Cage started publishing ‘how to improve the world (you only make matters worse), a diary kept from 1965 to 1982 in which he engaged with Henry David Thoreau’s writings, and antimilitary and ecological concerns. Although absent of almost all biographies and studies on Cage’s work, the artist experimented the anarchism in a fashion Edson Passetti calls “pathway heterotopies”. Beyond the book Anarchy and other explicit antiauthoritarian works, Cage lively experienced anarchy in the singular way he faced his existence, making out of the everyday life an invention in which he affirmed an otherwise path. According to Foucault, the cynical philosophers valued that notion to distinguish their scandalous lives from the other ones that reify regular values and conventions. This dissertation followed this path by establishing the reverberations between John Cage and the contemporary anarchist attitudes / Em 1988, John Cage inventou Anarchy, livro em que, a partir de escritos experimentais, valorizou as vidas de mulheres e homens anarquistas que marcaram seu percurso ético-estético libertário desde meados dos anos 1940 até a década de 1990, quando em seus últimos trabalhos, “number pieces” (1987-1992), apresentou o que denominou “harmonia anárquica”. Foi a partir da coexistência com artistas e militantes na Black Mountain College, no final da década de 1940, assim como em Nova York com o The Living Theatre (TLT), que o artista já conhecido por seu corajoso “piano preparado” passou a elaborar o anarquismo como prática de vida. “4’33” (1952), ação direta contra a representação musical dos sons e em favor da incorporação dos ruídos excluídos pelas salas de concerto, irrompeu empolgada por essa aproximação libertária. Nas décadas seguintes, vivendo ao lado de artistas e anarquistas, afastado da cidade, em Stonypoint, iniciou a publicação de how to improve the world (you only make matters worse) (1965-1982), diário mantido por mais de quinze anos e no qual apresentou a lida com os escritos de Henry David Thoreau, preocupações antimilitares e ecológicas. Apesar de quase ausente das biografias e estudos sobre o trabalho do artista, John Cage experimentou o anarquismo como o que Edson Passetti definiu heterotopias de percurso. Assim, para além de Anarchy e de obras nitidamente antiautoritárias, o artista realizou a anarquia na maneira própria de levar adiante a existência, fazendo da vida também uma invenção, afirmando um caminho outro, noção valorizada pelos filósofos cínicos, segundo Michel Foucault, para diferenciar o traço de vidas escandalosas daquelas que reiteram convenções e valores usuais. Foi este o caminho que esta tese acompanhou, estabelecendo reverberações de John Cage em atitudes anarquistas contemporâneas

This thesis offers a critical investigation of the Bitcoin currency and the operation of its technical structure, i.e. blockchain technology. The main objective of the research is to identify and describe the specific power dynamics performed by and through this digital phenomenon. “Power dynamics” are framed in this work largely in terms of authority and sovereignty. To structure an exploration of such dynamics, the narrative is overarched by four different notions of “utopia” —as paradox, ideal, no-place, and imagined governance— that address the following main questions always underpinned by the general inquiry on power: What is the Bitcoin Blockchain? Where is it located? How are power relations performed in it? And how are power relations modified in relation with previous institutional systems? The thesis addresses distinct notions of authority in Bitcoin through the observation of its historical, spatial, and organizational characteristics. It maps the techno-political emergence of the blockchain system, the geographical distribution of Bitcoin’s infrastructural network, and the strategies for governance involved in its development as software. Based on the observation of these settings, this thesis argues that Bitcoin posits a restructuration of power dynamics through the automation of code, in particular, through its process of production. In order to develop this restructuration, the power dynamics of the Bitcoin blockchain are weighted against authority models of the state’s institutions. The thesis builds upon existing political theories of Empire (Hardt and Negri), protocol (Galloway), and the Stack (Bratton) to develop a critical account of Bitcoin’s power dynamics. The work sits in between the disciplines of Media Theory, Software Studies, Political Theory, and Digital Methods, and makes use of qualitative and quantitative methods to empirically support the former argument.

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2017-01-16T15:17:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Alex Brito Ribeiro.pdf: 1171090 bytes, checksum: 89df7e037339ba23a87b06af6c044370 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-16T15:17:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Alex Brito Ribeiro.pdf: 1171090 bytes, checksum: 89df7e037339ba23a87b06af6c044370 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-27 / Who was Fabio Luz? This work has the purpose of to clarify this, among others aspects of Fabio Luz life. Borned at Bahia, resident at the north side of Rio de Janeiro city, for many years, physician, writer, journalist, literary critic, teacher and foremost anarchist. Through his work we analyzed many aspects of: critical of the society, political militancy, the Rio de Janeiro city and its everyday, and the literature, that in Luz work has a very clear anarchist aesthetic. Besides newspapers and flyers, we used as main source of this work the novel, Ide?logo, written by Luz in 1903, the novel brings, not only the aesthetic side of the anarchist art , but as also helps to understanding many aspects of the Rio de Janeiro history / Quem foi F?bio Luz? A presente disserta??o tem como proposta elucidar este e outros aspectos acerca da vida de F?bio Luz. Baiano de nascimento, morador da Zona Norte da cidade do Rio de Janeiro por muitos anos, m?dico, escritor, jornalista, cr?tico liter?rio, professor e acima de tudo anarquista. Por meio de sua produ??o textual, analisamos diversos aspectos como: cr?tica ? sociedade, a milit?ncia pol?tica, a cidade do Rio de Janeiro e o seu cotidiano, assim como a literatura que, em Luz, assume uma est?tica libert?ria bem definida. Al?m dos jornais e folhetos, utilizamos como fonte principal de an?lise, o romance publicado por Luz em 1903, o Ide?logo n?o apenas demostra esse aspecto est?tico da arte anarquista, mas como tamb?m contribui para uma compreens?o da hist?ria do Rio de Janeiro em diversos ?ngulos

Cette thèse sur Octave Mirbeau (1848-1917) se situera au carrefour de plusieurs domaines (littérature, sciences humaines et psychiatrie) qui tous se focalisent sur l’humain au coeur d’une société donnée : la France à la charnière du XIXe siècle et du XXe. Apparu vers le XIIIe siècle, le mot aliénation a été largement utilisé (droit, philosophie, psychologie, psychiatrie, politique et littérature). Il vient du latin alius (autre), alienus signifiant ce qui appartient à l’autre. Au fil du temps, il a pris une coloration négative, ce qui est autre ou appartient à un autre étant perçu comme hostile. La maladie mentale ne permettant plus d’être libre est aussi une aliénation (au XIXe siècle, les aliénistes sont les psychiatres). Puis les philosophes et les politiques (cf. Marx) étudient ce qui asservit l’être humain (raisons sociales, économiques ou religieuses) ; l’aliénationest alors perçue comme la base d’un système liberticide. Central dans l’oeuvre de Mirbeau, ce concept reflète des aspects essentiels de la France de l’époque. L’étude de ces romans, du Calvaire (1886) à Dingo (1913), tentera de montrer que cette aliénation est alors perçue comme la tension dialectique qui sous-tend la société. Elle constitue l’ossature d’une oeuvre sinon méconnue, du moins mala connue à laquelle l’aliénation, dans ses diverses assertions, donne une forte unité : aliénation “des origines” (famille, éducation, religion catholique et valeurs de la société) ; aliénation au sens psychiatrique (cf. L’Abbé Jules et Le Calvaire) ; aliénation qui peut conduire à son contraire, la liberté reconquise par le formidable truchement d’une oeuvre. / Merging together several fields – literature, human sciences and psychiatry – this dissertation on Octave Mirbeau (1848-1917) focuses on a transitional period (end of the 19th century - beginning of the 20th). For centuries, the concept of alienation, which appeared in Europe in the 13th century, was widely used (in the Law as in philosophy, psychology,psychiatry, politics and literature). The origin of the word is Latin (alius, other people, and other people’s property was referred to as alienus, inalienable). Over the centuries, it became a negative term : what was different or belonged to someone else was seen as potentially dangerous. Mental illnesses, which restrict freedom, were regarded as alienating, and in the 19th century psychiatrists were called alienists. Philosophers and politicans (eg. Merx) also used the concept to detect the factors which enslaved human beings. Alienation was perceived as the basis of a system undermining fundamental liberties (social, economic or religious factors). Alienation, which is the central core in Mirbeau’s novels, mirrors some essential aspects of France at that time. Focusing on his novels from Le Calvaire (1886) to Dingo (1913)this dissertation will endeavour to show that alienation is a dialectical tension underlining society. If is the very structure of Mirbeau’s body of work – a work which, without being unknown, is often misunderstood. Yet, alienation in ists variousmeanings gives a strong unity to the work : “original” (family, education, Roman Catholicism and the values of society), psychiatric alienation (eg. L’Abbé Jules and Le Calvaire), artistic alienation (the agony of the writer). Alienation may therefore lead to its opposite – freedom regained through the great power of wrinting.

In Ursula K. Le Guin’s novel Always Coming Home, utopian and dystopian elements interact according to patterns inspired by anarchism and Taoism to criticise material excesses and oppressive social structures under capitalism. Via discussions of gender, state power, and forms of social (re)production, this Marxist reading proposes that the novel’s separation of utopia from dystopia hinges on the absence or presence of a state. The reading also suggests that the novel’s utopia is by its own admission a “mere dream” with limited relevance to anti-capitalist politics, and employs the novel’s own term “handmind” to show that the aesthetic and philosophical dimensions of its anti-capitalist sentiments encourage a reconsideration of utopia, to be viewed not as a fixed future product – a good-place – but as a constant process of becoming – a no-place.

This thesis draws upon anarchist communist theory in order to provide a historical account of the New Left and the anarchist movement in New Zealand from 1956 to the early 1980s. This account explains, describes and evaluates critically these movements. The praxis of the New Left and the anarchist movement can be explained by a variety of social, economic, political, cultural and psychological factors. However, overall, it is argued that these movements were largely shaped by the underlying antagonisms of global capitalism. Because the New Left emerged during a lull in working-class self-activity, the politics of the early New Left and the anarchist movement from 1956 to the late 1960s were generally reformist and quietist. The later New Left emerged during a global resurgence in class-struggle from 1968 to the early to mid 1970s. Consequently, the demeanour of the later New Left and anarchism during this period was boisterous and ebullient. The New Left in New Zealand was unique in that, compared with the New Left overseas, its major organisations were neither campus-based nor dominated by students. It consisted of young workers and students who jointly established numerous small affinity groups. The early New Left was less action-oriented than the later New Left. It was formed by dissidents from the Old Left and was closely associated with anti-nuclear protest. The later New Left issued from the more confrontational wing of the anti-Vietnam War and anti-apartheid movements, and then dispersed into various new social movements from the early 1970s onwards. The anarchist movement of the 1960s and 1970s was intimately interrelated with the New Left, and hence shared most of its characteristics. This work employs anarchist communism as a theoretical tool to evaluate critically the innovations and limitations of the New Left and the anarchist movement. In particular, the class-based "non-market" anarchist communist theory of Peter Kropotkin is utilised. The main criterion used for judging the New Left and anarchist movement is their emancipatory capacity to spark a process whereby the underlying social relations of capitalism are fundamentally transformed. The key strengths of the New Left and the anarchist movement were their sweepingly broad anti-authoritarianism, their festive politics and their focus upon everyday life. The primary weakness of these movements was their isolation from the working-class. The New Left concentrated on supporting nationalist struggles overseas and mostly overlooked domestic class-struggle. Numerous New Leftists and anarchists championed self-management yet did not question the market and the wage-system. This thesis highlights the complexities of the New Left. For instance, the later New Left was genuinely anti-disciplinarian yet often supported totalitarian Stalinist regimes overseas. As a result, it is argued that the New Left was paradoxically both anti-authoritarian and authoritarian. It is claimed that an updated anarchist communism, integrating the best qualities of the social movements of the 1960s and 1970s with classical anarchist communism, is highly relevant today because of the rise of neo-liberalism and the anti-capitalist movement, and the demise of Stalinism and social democracy.