Op 23 Junie 1900 het die Britse troepe Heidelberg beset. Die rustige bestaan het vir spanning onder die burgerlikes en agterdog teenoor die Britse militêre owerheid plek gemaak. Inwoners soos ds. A.J. Louw, wat geweier het om die Eed van Neutraliteit te teken, is onverwyld uit die dorp verban. Vroue soos Issie Kriegler en Cassie O’Reilly, wat met hulle uitgesprokenheid die gramskap van die Britte ontketen het, is saam met hulle gesinne na die konsentrasiekamp by Merebank in Natal gestuur. Aangesien die beëindiging van die oorlog vir die Britse owerheid belangrik was, het distrikskommissaris J.M. Vallentin Heidelbergse wapenneerlêers gebruik om die burgers tot oorgawe te oorreed en voorstelle vir die bereiking van vrede aan die hand te doen. As deel van die verskroeide aarde-beleid is Boerevroue en kinders wat sonder heenkome was, na die blanke konsentrasiekamp op Heidelberg geneem, waar hulle getalle mettertyd tot ongeveer 2 000 aangegroei het. Die Heidelbergse kampowerhede het die aankomelinge van tente voorsien terwyl higiëniese maatreëls en mediese dienste vir liggaamlike welsyn ingestel is. Siektes het uitgebreek. Die pogings van die Britse medici om die sterftesyfer met Westerse medikasie en voorskrifte vir beter voeding aan kinders te verlaag, het allesbehalwe seepglad verloop onder meer vanweë die Boerevroue se wantroue in hulle. Voor die Anglo-Boereoorlog was die gemeentelike lewe besonder aktief. Met die Britse oorname het eredienste, bediening van die doop en katkisasie in die susterskerke op Heidelberg op 'n gereelde grondslag voortgegaan. Godsdiensoefening in die konsentrasiekamp is ook nie agterweë gelaat nie. Fasiliteite is vir die gemeentelike aktiwiteite van die drie susterskerke beskikbaar gestel. Ook het die Britse kerke op Heidelberg, die St. Ninian’s Anglican Church en die Wesleyan Methodist Church, ‘n bloeitydperk beleef, terwyl die Berlynse Sendinggenootskap sy werksaamhede gestaak het. Teen 1902 is die kampinwoners toegelaat om dienste in hulle gemeentes op die dorp by te woon. Onderwys het met die Britse besetting ‘n nuwe tydvak betree. Die kampskool het saam met die skoolgeldheffende skole en die “free schools” op die dorp daartoe bygedra om die grondslag vir ‘n Britse onderwysstelsel in Transvaal te lê. Ingevoerde Britse onderwysers het nuwe wêrelde vir die kampkinders ontsluit, wat hulle tot verdere intellektuele ontwikkeling sou aanspoor. Die kampskole, waarby ook volwassenes gebaat het, was ‘n ligpunt in die bestaan van die konsentrasiekampe. Tot onlangs was min oor die swart konsentrasiekampe in die Heidelbergdistrik bekend. Toestande in hierdie kampe het na hulle oorname deur die Departement van Naturellevlugtelinge in Junie 1901 verbeter. Swartes is deur die leër en privaat huishoudings in diens geneem. Sommige was selfversorgend deurdat hulle mielies en ander gewasse produseer het. Die swart kamp op Heidelberg se sterftesyfer was laag. Dit is waarskynlik aan die goeie werk van die mediese offisier, ene Stewart, te danke. Hervestiging van blanke en swart kampinwoners het na afloop van die oorlog in Mei 1902 gevolg. Met Britse hulp en danksy rantsoene wat aan hulle uitgereik is, kon hulle huiswaarts keer. Dit blyk dat Heidelberg se blanke konsentrasiekamp relatief goed bestuur is en vanweë sy lae sterftesyfer onder die beter kampe tel. / Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

This thesis examines British Foreign Office views of Russia and Anglo-Russian relations prior to the 1907 Anglo-Russian Entente. British diplomatic documents, memoirs, and papers in the Public Record Office reveal diplomatic concern with ending Central Asian tensions. This study examines Anglo-Russian relations from the pre-Lansdowne era, including agreements with Japan (1902) and France (1904), the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-05, and the shift in Liberal thinking up to the Anglo-Russian Entente. The main reason British diplomats negotiated the Entente was less to end Central Asian friction, this thesis concludes, than the need to check Germany, which some Foreign Office members believed, was bent upon European hegemony.

In and around the 870s, Britain was transformed dramatically by the campaigns and settlements of the Great Army and its allies. Some pre-existing political communities suffered less than others, and in hindsight the process helped Scotland and England achieve their later positions. By the twelfth century, the rulers of these countries had partitioned the former kingdom of Northumbria. This thesis is about what happened in the intervening period, the fate of Northumbria's political structures, and how the settlement that defined Britain for the remainder of the Middle Ages came about. Modern reconstructions of the era have tended to be limited in scope and based on unreliable post-1100 sources. The aim is to use contemporary material to overcome such limitations, and reach positive conclusions that will make more sense of the evidence and make the region easier to understand for a wider audience, particularly in regard to its shadowy polities and ecclesiastical structures. After an overview of the most important evidence, two chapters will review Northumbria's alleged dissolution, testing existing historiographic beliefs (based largely on Anglo-Norman-era evidence) about the fate of the monarchy, political community, and episcopate. The impact and nature of ‘Southenglish' hegemony on the region's political communities will be the focus of the fourth chapter, while the fifth will look at evidence for the expansion of Scottish political power. The sixth chapter will try to draw positive conclusions about the episcopate, leaving the final chapter to look in more detail at the institutions that produced the final settlement.

This documentary dissertation contributes to scholarly understanding of the history of missionary endeavours in Natal and Zululand by making accessible a carefully edited compilation of documents written by Norwegian missionaries in those areas between 1844 and 1899. From thousands of pertinent extant documents, the editor has selected a representative crosssection of the most revealing letters and reports that Lutheran and other missionaries sent to their sponsoring organisations and the related periodicals. Each document has been translated from Norwegian into English, suitably excised of superfluous material, and given a brief introduction. Annotations explain theological jargon and identify people, places, and phenomena to which the writers of these letters and reports referred. The documents are divided into four chapters, each of which begins with an introduction by the editor. An introductory chapter provides information about the Norwegian missionaries in question, the general history of their work, the nature of the correspondence, and the consequences of the failure of many other historians of foreign rnissions in Southern Africa to avail themselves of this invaluable historical source. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

This thesis explores the continuous British interest in the American Civil War from the war’s end to the late twentieth century and the British utilisation of the conflict at home and in the Atlantic arena. Contributing to the limited, yet burgeoning literature on the subject, this study emphasises the independent agency of both the Civil War and its British interpreters. It thus rejects a simplistic depiction of British adoption of American culture and applies a more sophisticated methodology that accounts for the active, versatile and autonomous British use of complex foreign images. This enables a meaningful analysis of the Civil War’s place and role in modern British culture. The thesis examines the British fascination with the conflict as reflected in four facets: politics, military thought, academe and popular culture. Additionally, it takes a transatlantic perspective and explores how Britons’ view of the United States has influenced their understanding of the Civil War. This study thus provides a first comprehensive and coherent overview as well as a nuanced picture of the American conflict as it travelled across the Atlantic from a historically distanced perspective. The thesis reveals that the Civil War achieved unique prominence in British culture and that this British fascination with the war was part of a greater transatlantic encounter between an epic American affair and sophisticated British interpreters. Accordingly, the two main questions underpinning this study are ‘why were the British particularly interested in the Civil War?’ and, following directly on that path, ‘how did Britons use the war both at home and in the transatlantic sphere?’ Answering these questions further establishes the war’s prominence in British culture and explores the character of the British encounter with the conflict. In so doing, it contributes to our understanding of the Civil War’s global impact and casts another light on Anglo-American relations.

Thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master for Philosophy in Community and Development at the University of Stellenbosch / Thesis (MPhil (Sociology and Social Anthropology))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Mining industries significantly influence the societies within which they operate. They have been responsible for causing a wide range of negative environmental and social impacts at local, regional and global levels. Disruption of river flows, degradation of land and forest resources, negative impacts on the livelihoods of local communities near mines and disturbance of traditional lifestyles of indigenous people are some examples. Historically, the mining industry has taken a ‘devil may care’ attitude toward the impacts of its operations, inter alia by operating in areas without social legitimacy, by causing local devastation, and by leaving when an area has been exhausted of its economically valuable resources. Cost benefit language has often been used to justify damage caused in one place by arguing that it is outweighed by overall financial benefits. In recent years however the global mining industry has started to address its social and environmental responsibilities, visible in current debates about social and environmental sustainability. As a result, various mining companies have launched corporate social responsibility (CSR) programmes that tend to focus on local community initiatives as their impact in economic, social and environmental terms, they believe, is felt most at local level. Yet the question remains, can CSR on its own make a substantial contribution to local sustainable community development? The World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD) defined CSR as “…the continuing commitment by business to behave ethically and contribute to economic development while improving the quality of life of the workforce and their families as well as the local community and society at large...” (WBCSD, 2003). Despite this clear definition, there is still great diversity within the mining sector in perceptions of what CSR constitutes and what its key tenets should be. Without a consistent definition or understanding of CSR and sustainable community development, planned efforts and programmes will do little to contribute to the overall improvement and well-being of the intended beneficiaries. The research focuses on defining sustainable community development and how it relates CSR. It identifies three characteristics of sustainable community development and uses these to assess the CSR programmes of Anglo American Plc, as case study company, to determine whether the company’s programmes have the potential to contribute to the sustainability of the communities associated with its operations. The research results in three main conclusions drawn from the case study – in a phrase that CSR is able under certain conditions to contribute positively to community sustainability. The conclusion also offers a few suggestions regarding ways companies can increase the contribution their CSR programmes make to local sustainable development. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Mynbou industrieë het ‘n definitiewe en sigbare impak op die gemeenskappe waar mynbou aktiwiteite bedryf word. Hierdie industieë is verantwoordelik vir ’n groot hoeveelheid negatiewe omgewings- en sosiale impakte op plaaslike, distriks en provinsiale vlak. Die versteuring van tradisionele lewenswyses van inheemse bevolkingsgroepe, natuurlike vloei van riviere, grond en water besoedeling, asook tradisionele bestaans praktyke is almal areas wat negatief deur mynbou industrieë beïvloed is. Die mynbou industrie het deur die geskiedenis nie baie aandag gegee aan die negatiewe impakte wat mynbou aktiwiteite op gemeenskappe het nie. Die positiewe ekonomiese impak is afgespeel en as belangriker en van meer waarde beskou, as die negatiewe sosiale en omgewingsimpakte wat dit veroorsaak. Dit is maar onlangs dat die mynbou industrie begin het om die negatiewe impakte wat mynbou aktiwiteite op gemeenskappe en die omgewing het aan te spreek. Dit is ook ’n onderwerp wat meer prominent geraak het in huidige internasionale debatte rakende volhoubare ontwikkeling en die impak wat mynbou op die volhoubaarheid van die omgewing en sy mense het. Verskeie mynbou maatskappye het korporatiewe sosiale investerings (KSI) programme in plaaslike gemeenskappe begin om as mitigerende aksie vir die negatiewe impakte dien. Die vraag is egter of hierdie programme enigsins sal kan bydrae to die langtermyn volhoubare ontwikkeling in hierdie geaffekteerde gemeenskappe? Die Wêreld Besigheids Forum vir Volhoubare Ontwikkeling beskryf KSI as die voortgesette onderneming deur die besigheidsektor om te alle tye besigheidaktiwiteite op ’n etiese wyse te bedryf om ‘n daadwerklike bydrae tot die ekonomie te lewer en daar deur nie net ’n positiewe impak te hê op die lewens kwaliteit van hul werknemers nie, maar ook die van die plaaslike en ander gemeenskappe. Alhoewel die definisie baie eenvoudig en self-verduidelikend is, is daar nog baie verskillende interpretasies binne die mynbou industrie oor wat presies korporatiewe sosiale investering is en wat die kern aktiwiteite binne die veld moet wees. Sonder ’n konstante definisie en die eenvormige interpretasie daarvan, wat ook die begrip volhoubare gemeenskapsonwikkeling (VGO) insluit, sal initiatiewe en programme wat ten doel het om die lewenskwaliteit van geïdentifiseerde begunstigdes te verbeter, weinig effek hê. Die navorsing fokus op daarop om VGO beter te definieer, asook die verwantskap daarvan met KSI. Dit identifiseer drie kern eienskappe van VGO en gebruik dit as basis om die KSI programme van Anglo American Plc, as gevalle studie maatskappy, te evalueer om te bepaal of die betrokke programme wel ’n bydrae lewer to VGO in die gemeeskappe in en om die maatskappy se myne wat deur die mynbou aktiwiteite beïnvloed word. Die navorsing lewer drie kern gevolgtrekkings vanuit die gevalle studie – KSI onder seker omstandighede kan wel ’n positiewe bydra lewer tot VGO. Die gevolgtrekking word verder toegelig met ’n paar aanbevelings aan maatskappy rakende moontlike aksies om die impak van KSI programme op VGO te vergroot.

This doctoral dissertation analyses depictions of hell in sanctions, i.e. threats of punishments in Anglo-Saxon charters. I am arguing that an innovative use of sanctions as pastoral and ideological instruments effected the peak of infernal imagery in the sanctions of tenth-century royal diplomas. Belonging to the genre of ritual curses, Anglo-Saxon sanctions contain the three standard ecclesiastical curses (excommunication, anathema and damnation). It cannot be established if other requirements of ritual cursing (authoritative personnel, setting and gestures) were fulfilled. A lack of evidence, together with indications of more secular punishments, suggests that sanctions were not used as legal instruments. Their pastoral function is proposed by frightening depictions of hell and the devil, as fear is an important means of achieving salvation in biblical, homiletic and theological writings available or produced in Anglo-Saxon England. The use of the infernal motifs of Hell as a Kitchen, Satan as the Mouth of Hell and winged demons in sanctions are discussed in detail. Sanctions frequently contain the overtly didactic and pastoral device of the exemplum. Notorious sinners believed to be damned in hell (e.g. Judas) are presented as negative exempla in sanctions to deter people from transgressing against charters. The repeated use of terms from classical mythology for depicting hell in Anglo-Saxon sanctions appears to correlate with the preference for hermeneutic Latin by tenth-century monastic reformers. The reasons for employing classical mythological terminology seem to agree with those suggested for the use of hermeneutic Latin (intellectual snobbery and raising the stylistic register), and glossaries constitute the main source of both types of Latinity. The sanctions of the Refoundation Charter of New Minster, Winchester, which is known to display the ‘ruler theology’ propagated by the monastic reform, are examined in their textual contexts with regard to the observations made in the earlier parts of this dissertation.

The Irish peace process is heralded as a success among insurgencies that attempt transitions toward peaceful resolution of conflict. After thirty years of armed struggle, pitting Irish republicans against their loyalist counterparts and the British State, the North of Ireland has a reconfigured political landscape with a consociational governing body where power is shared among several parties that hold divergent political objectives. The Irish Republican Movement, whose main components are the Provisional Irish Republican Army, a covert guerilla armed organization, and Sinn Fein, the political party of Irish republicans, initiated peace that led to all-inclusive talks in the 1990s and that culminated in the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in April 1998, setting out the parameters for a non-violent way forward. Given the traditional intransigence of the IRA to consider any route other than armed conflict, how did the leadership of the Irish Republican Movement secure the support of a majority of republicans for a peace initiative that has held now for more than fifteen years? This dissertation explores the dynamics of leadership in this group, and in particular, focuses on the prisoner resistance waged by its incarcerated activists and volunteers. It is the contention here, that various prisoner resistance tactics enabled a wide-ranging group of captives to develop the skill set necessary to persuade their community to back the peace initiative, engage in electoral politics, mobilize their supporters to invest in attaining a united Ireland by peaceful negotiations, and put down their arms in a permanent and unequivocal manner. In this dissertation, the work of Paulo Freire is explored in order to capture the processes inherent the resistance-leadership continuum.

This thesis offers a microcosmic insight into Britain's transition toward a world system without an Empire by exploring the life of the Anglo-Jordan Treaty (1946-57) via the prism of the British financed Jordanian Army, also known as the Arab Legion, and its British commander, Glubb Pasha. In so doing it puts the state of the relationship down to a system of mutual dependence. Britain's withdrawal from Jordan has primarily been linked either to the success of Arab nationalism or the loss of British will. By examining the Treaty relationship from construction to termination this thesis posits that it is imprudent to push any single factor too deeply, but identifies a shift in the balance of mutual dependence, caused by the changing geopolitical climate, as the driving force. A subsidiary aspect of this thesis concerns the partition of Palestine. The Arab Legion was the most important Arab army during the 1948 War. Based on unprecedented access to Glubb's private papers 'the most significant new documents to emerge since the opening of the official western archives in the late 1970s' this thesis provides the most accurate portrayal of the Arab Legion's conduct yet achievable. In so doing it reconciles inconsistencies within the controversial 'collusion' debate. It negates the revisionist argument that a firm Hashemite-Zionist agreement existed, but corroborates the notion that Britain approved the Arab Legion's use to implement an alternative form of partition to that proposed by the UN. It thus supports the revisionist argument that pre-war negotiations helped shape the 1948 War, but explains the Arab Legion's adherence to this secret scheme by emphasising Glubb's (limited) autonomy. Moreover, it reveals further details concerning the divisions within the Arab coalition, which further debunks the traditional David (Israel) versus Goliath (Arab coalition) portrayal of the conflict.

This thesis explores the changing reputation and legacy of John Powell (1882-1963). Powell was a Virginian-born pianist, composer, and ardent Anglo-Saxon supremacist who created musical propaganda to support racial purity and to define the United States as an exclusively Anglo-Saxon nation. Although he once enjoyed international fame, he has largely disappeared from the public consciousness today. In contrast, the legacies of many of Powell’s musical contemporaries, such as Charles Ives and George Gershwin, have remained vigorous. By examining the ways in which the public has perceived and portrayed Powell both during and after his lifetime, this thesis links Powell’s obscurity to a deliberate, public rejection of his Anglo-Saxon supremacist definition of the United States.