ABSTRACT Around 65 AD, the Ancient Roman philosopher Seneca wrote his only text concerning Natural Phenomenon: Natural Questions. Considered since medieval times as part of a trinity of great thinkers including Plato and Aristotle, Seneca’s work in rhetoric, philosophy, and legal theory still receive praise today. The praise is not replicated for Natural Questions, however. Modern historians who consider the work paint it as uninspiring. Pliny, another Roman author and philosopher, wrote a far more encompassing and detailed work called Natural History, and it is this work that is considered the premier Roman comment on Natural Philosophy. These contemporaneous works become juxtaposed and used to criticize Seneca’s work as inferior. A deeper consideration of the texts --primarily the subject material and use of poetry-- will determine that Seneca and Pliny wrote to different audiences and belong to different genres.

In this thesis, I examine the rhetorical strategies in Jenn Schiffer’s satirical conference talks in which she comments upon her own tech community. In part, I consider her arguments under the theoretical lenses of Burke, Epicurus, and Camus, theories placed alongside the reflective writing of Ullman as a queer woman in that selfsame community. I also discuss the pedagogical opportunities of such an analysis–of tech conference talks in general–to the modern student in our technologically-connected age. Finally, in the long term, I plan to connect the outcomes of this project to a larger project in partial fulfillment of a doctorate degree in Information Science, a project which will investigate the feedback loops between policy, software development, users of information and communications technology (ICT), and humanistic self-expression.

This thesis explores the sophistication of the ancient Roman economy through an analysis of credit instruments in elite finances. The study of the ancient economy is a contentious but important field of study, within which exists a lively scholarly debate. This project seeks to contribute to that debate through the investigation of late republican finances, using Cicero's Letters to Atticus. By studying Cicero's financial maneuvers and commentary, this thesis argues that elite usage of nomina during this time period provides evidence for the existence of a sophisticated elite credit system. Such a system allowed for the development of nomina as flexible credit instruments for Roman elites competing in a fraught socio-political context.

This diploma thesis focuses on the character of the biblical Moses and his presentation in extrabiblical sources. It attempts to analyse the oldest extra-biblical sources, with regard to their autors, historic background, and literary and contemporary context. They are then compared with the Old Testament tradition and on the basis of common motives and topics it tries to find or refute their interconnection and clarify their influence in the formation of the picture of Moses. Besides these sources, it also deals with their interpretation by contemporary researchers, compares these approaches with the quest for the historical Moses, the problems related to the interpretation of Mosess life and his role relating to the xodus.

La présente étude interroge la conceptualisation chrétienne de l’autorité et des interrelations politiques dans l’Antiquité tardive, à travers motif assez récurrent dans les textes chrétiens des IVe et Ve siècles pour être considéré comme une stratégie rhétorique, celui des associations ‘empereur-croix’. À la confluence de ces deux référents suprêmes de la souveraineté, l’empereur et la croix, se pense et se construit une autre autorité personnelle ou collective, pensée comme médiatrice. Une association peut se définir comme un groupement entre au moins deux entités, concrètes et symboliques, dans un but commun, celui de la royauté glorieuse de l’empereur, du Christ et de leurs médiateurs. La croix y est sollicitée dans son acception prodigiale, en tant que signe puissant et dynamique, iconique et théologique. Elle peut donc être intégrée à une unité de temps et de lieu ou à un discours métaphorique et allégorique. L’objet de la présente enquête est de démontrer que les tenants d’une autorité médiatrice, qu’ils soient laïcs ou ecclésiastiques, revendiquent une visibilité et une assise politique, que le prince est capable de leur concéder, leurs pairs en mesure de leur reconnaître, et auxquelles le peuple peut adhérer. Par conséquent, les associations ‘empereur-croix’ servent un discours engagé, partisan et conquérant, réclamant ou se réclamant d’une autorité spécifiquement chrétienne. Dans tous les cas, celui qui manipule la puissance de la croix est bénéficiaire de qualités prophétiques qui légitiment son inclusion politique. De ce fait, la qualité médiatrice se construit sur la concurrence entre intermédiaires ou sur l’appropriation de cette qualité par le truchement de la loi, et non sur un conflit avec l’autorité impériale. En associant l’empereur et la croix dans leurs textes, les auteurs fabriquent des interactions, des rapports relationnels, des systèmes de contact, qui, loin d’un paysage binaire, révèlent une véritable dynamique de liens politiques multiples et multiformes dans l’Antiquité tardive et non un essoufflement et une ‘standardisation’ de ceux-ci. / This study investigates the Christian conceptualization of authority and its political contexts by focusing on a rather common but never systematically analyzed rhetorical strategy in the texts of the 4th and 5th centuries: the associations between the Roman Emperor and the symbol of the cross. At the interface between the Emperor and the cross stands another authority, personal or collective, who is considered a mediator. Concrete or symbolic associations between at least two parties usually form themselves under a common goal: the glorious kingdom of Emperor, Christ, and their mediators. In this case, the cross is solicited in its profuse meaning as a powerful and dynamic sign, both iconic and theological; it is thus integrated in a specific setting of time and place or in a metaphorical and allegorical discourse. The goal of this study is to look at the different proponents of a mediating authority, whether secular or ecclesiastical, and their claims for visibility, political basis and public recognition. The manifold associations between the Emperor and the cross are part of a vibrant discourse, which is both partisan and conquering in reclaiming a specific Christian authority; and whoever is able to manipulate the power of the cross gains prophetic qualities that also legitimize political participation. Thus, the capacity to act as a mediator builds upon competition between intermediaries or upon the appropriation of this capacity by legal means, but not upon conflict with the Imperial authority. In associating the Emperor and the cross in the texts, the authors describe interactions and networks of contacts. Rather than breathless and “standardized” processes, these networks reveal the multiple and polymorphic dynamics of political relationships in Late Antiquity.

La figure du uicarius, esclave appartenant à un esclave en chef (ordinarius) dans le pécule duquel il se trouve, traduit une hiérarchisation à l’intérieur du microcosme de la sous-dépendance. Comme en témoignent les sources, à la fois multiples et diversifiées, le vicariat complexifie à l’évidence l’appréhension des stratifications serviles. Ce travail entreprend d’éclairer l’origine de ce statut (achat ou héritage cognatique). Ce faisant, il révèle une stratégie de parenté qui contribue à la consolidation et à la réinvention des logiques de la famille servile. Il éclaire par ailleurs l’utilité, tant domestique que professionnelle, du vicariat. Pépinière de jeunes esclaves, le vicariat est une « école servile ». En formant les vicaires à leur propre « métier d’esclave », les ordinarii, véritables magistri, leur dispensent un savoir spécialisé (peritia) de haute technicité. Véritables chevilles ouvrières de l’Empire, ils constituent dans la familia Caesaris, où ils sont massivement représentés, le socle de l’appareil d’Etat romain. / The vicariat was a subownership system based on a slave (uicarius) belonging to another slave (ordinarius). The uicarii were included in the peculium of the first-degree slaves. The vicariat testified of hierarchies among slaves. This study aims to enlight origin of this status (purchase or cognatic inheritance). By doing so, it disclosed strategies in order to strengthen the slaves families. It also demonstrates vicariat’s utility on the domestic level as well as professional. The vicariat was a nursury for young slaves and a “slave school”. By training uicarii for a specific work, the chief slaves were magistri who taught them specialized knowledges. In the familia Caesaris, the vicariat was a important linchpin of administration in Roman State.

This paper argues the institution of Roman bathing was an instrument of cultural hegemony, which allowed the Roman Empire to maintain hegemony over the Roman provinces. Numerous frameworks have been suggested in order to provide a comprehensive understanding of the relationship between Rome and the provinces. Roman imperialism has been a topic of debate for over one hundred years and the vicissitudes of scholarly thought are highlighted by the changes in the characterization of the theory of Romanization. In the recent past, scholars have sought a framework that could progress beyond the problematic concept of Romanization in order to better understand acculturation in the Roman provinces. In this paper, I provide an alternative method for examining the somewhat hackneyed issue of Roman imperialism. I argue the relationship between Rome and the provinces can be examined through the Gramcian theory of cultural hegemony. Using cultural hegemony, I explore the political consequences of direct change acculturation of the provinces of the Roman Empire. I argue that Roman culture was an efficacious mechanism for the dissemination of Roman ideology and diffusion of the Roman worldview was politically advantageous for Rome. Furthermore, I argue the custom of public bathing was a Roman cultural phenomenon that aided the Empire in preserving their hegemony in the provinces.

People of late antiquity were subjected to the universal and perennial human woes - injustice, affliction, adversity and pain - that cause suffering. The experience of suffering is subjective. There are however, common sources of and expressions of suffering in humans. The fourth century was a period of significant cultural and social changes which drew responses from pagans that not only reflected traditional knowledge but also engaged with new sets of ideas. This thesis examines the problem of evil and suffering as experienced by pagans of the fourth century of the Common Era. Having received imperial sanction from the emperor Constantine after his conversion in 312, Christianity was gaining momentum in both membership and strength. The Graeco-Roman world had become one where Christianity, it seemed to some, had effectively surpassed pagan state cult Against this backdrop of religious change, pagans had taken on a self-consciousness that engendered a rethinking of many traditional ways of coping with and explaining the evils of the world and the suffering that could result from them. Some rules and conditions had changed, so how and where could pagans seek explanation for, protection from or alleviation of their suffering? The study addresses this question by posing and responding to further questions. Firstly, how did pagans understand the presence of evil and suffering in the world? Secondly, from what sources, natural or supernatural, could they draw hope in the face of evil and suffering? And thirdly, what degree of autonomy could pagans claim in approaching the problem? Religion and philosophy might be perceived by pagans to contain the answers to why there was evil and suffering in the world. The addition of science and the occult to religion and philosophy offered further ways through which pagans might seek to deal with the problem. By drawing primarily on extant literary evidence from the period as well as selected material evidence (predominantly pagan, but including some Christian), the research will trace the evolution of ideas regarding evil and suffering that pagan thinkers were bringing to the contemporary debate. / Thesis (M.A.) - University of Adelaide, School of Humanities, 2008

Early Ptolemaic Alexandria provides a unique perspective on cultural interactions during the Hellenistic Period. With this idea in mind, I have tracked the cultural affiliation of the city from its foundation through the early years of the Ptolemaic dynasty. In order to do this, both literary and archaeological evidence, including various foundation myths for the city, the poetry of Theocritus and Herodas, papyrological evidence as well as the city plan and archaeological remains of the Serapeum, were analyzed. Using this evidence, this thesis attempts to describe the cultural state of the ancient city and the surrounding area in its early years, and tracks its development from an entirely Greek cultural background to a multicultural one.

Contemporary architecture suffers from an acute malaise: it has lost its sense of meaning, and in turn, its sense of significance. In our world of economy and utility—the liquid world—architecture can only allude to a higher purpose, a feigned declaration of its inability to contend with the current state. Yet this was not always the case. For thousands of years everything from the minutest of details to the greatest of narratives found their expression in architecture, and specifically, in a culture’s understanding and application of monumentality. The monument embodied the spirit of its times, and in its near-immortality provided a refuge for the loftiest of hopes and dreams. While it may appear that words like immortality and spirit are at odds with the ceaseless and constant change of the globalized world, change is not a new concept of our era. Since the beginning of history monumental architecture tempered its solidity with an implicit appreciation for the transience it sought to overcome. Liquid Monumentality reconstructs this dialectic of permanence and change in an attempt to answer one question: is the monumental still relevant in our liquid age?