Jan KOCNA, Development of trade routes in Maka during the Hellenistic period and in the early Principate, master's thesis, FF UK, Prague 2019 This master's thesis aims to analyse the trade routes network of ancient Maka during the last three c. BC and first c. AD. In the course of this time frame the discussed region, covering the majority of land area of the contemporary United Arab Emirates and the northern Oman, enjoyed the benefits of a wide range of various cross-cultural and commercial contacts and constituted a key junction between India, Mesopotamia and Arabia proper. In a phased manner, the individual chapters will introduce each of the different elements contributing to the structure of the whole trade apparatus, and, on the basis of available (e. g. archaeological) data, attempt to designate the character of the position of specific Makan centers within the broader system of long-distance trade mechanisms. Both long-distance trade transformation processes emanating from the constant changes in Makan political vicinity and reorientation of originally mostly caravan driven trade to the maritime one will be brought into consideration. The observed phenomena will include variation in the arrangement of central import/export markets, or successive adjustments of the basic commodity groups and...

This thesis purports to explore and describe the types of information that would be obtainable to the anthropological researcher if he used the minimally structured small group (MDMS-SG) technique with members of a selected ethnic group. The approach was tried on Japanese Portland State University students and also on Saudi Arab Portland State University students for six sessions each. They were told that a graduate anthropology student wanted to get to know them and learn what they thought she should know about their countries. The sessions were taped and notes written after each session. This corpus of material was analyzed using the closed corpus technique which necessitates use of the entire corpus and only the corpus. Post-categorization was used, it being especially appropriate in pilot studies and/or in original exploratory research where the emphasis is on induction rather than deduction. The verbal and other behavioral phenomena exhibited by the two “cultural” groups were compared and an attempt made to isolate that which was distinctively Arab or Japanese. Presence-absence counts and the relative frequency with which behavioral items were exhibited determined whether or not an item was differentiating. Those differences occurred in six major areas which included responses to the constants of the total situation, patterns of organization, paralinguistic phenomena exhibited, interaction patterns displayed, emotions expressed and finally the subject matter discussed. These then are areas for or aspects about which the anthropological investigator can expect to obtain data if he uses the MDMS-SG with “cultural” groups. These differences were then compared with information gathered about Arab and Japanese cultures from other sources. The working hypothesis that the Arab group would spontaneously exhibit significant behavioral differences from the Japanese group under MDMS-SG conditions and that these differences would be related to the ethnic background of that larger population of which they are a part was utilized. The two groups were substantially different and these differences were in the direction of the differences between the two ethnic groups from which they come. Therefore the assumption, while not proved, was substantially strengthened. In the Arab and Japanese groups, it was found that the group reactions to the total situation—the physical surroundings, the investigator, the fact of meeting at all, etc.- -almost all coincided with the written literature. It would seem therefore that the MDMS-SG could be used prior to field work with an unstudied group. Organizational patterns are ideally and easily studied through the use of the MDMS-SG. It could be a part of every ethnology besides having practical significance (i.e. in facilitating international communication) but is only rarely studied now.

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[pt] Na dissertação, busca-se verificar, partindo da trilogia As Mil e Uma Noites – O inquieto (Vol. 1), O desolado (Vol. 2) e O encantado (Vol. 3) –, dirigida pelo cineasta português Miguel Gomes, como a obra trata o processo da montagem para pensar as questões políticas de Portugal. Abordaremos a montagem como uma prática de construção do pensamento – a partir de Didi- Huberman – para além de uma etapa da produção fílmica. Cabe aqui refletir, em que medida, através de elementos heterogêneos como a utilização do livro como dispositivo narrativo, o cenário, a escolha de atores e não-atores e o embaralhamento entre a realidade e a ficção, os filmes produzem o dissenso (no sentido de Jacques Rancière) fazendo pensar as relações entre estética e política. Nossa hipótese é de que esses filmes retomam lugares concretos para reconstruílos de forma inventiva, forjando a possibilidade de um espaço em que a esfera coletiva tenha peso efetivo – tensionando assim as relações de poder estabelecidas. / [en] Having the trilogy As mil e uma Noites: O inquieto (Vol. 1), O desolado (Vol. 2) e O encantado (Vol. 3) [Arabian nights: The restless ones (Vol. 1), The desolate one (Vol. 2) and The enchanted one (Vol.3) directed by the Portuguese movie maker Miguel Gomes as a starting point, this research aims to analyze how his work deals with the editing process as a tool to think over political issues in Portugal. From Didi-Huberman perspective, the editing as a thought-building practice will be dealt as beyond a mere phase of the movie production. At this point, reflections can be made on what extent the usage of heterogeneous elements, such as the use of the book as a narrative device, the setting, the choice of actors and non-actors, and the shuffle between reality and fiction, films can produce dissent (as in Jacques Rancière) and, as a result, leading to reflections about the relationship between aesthetics and politics. The hypothesis is that these pictures have their take on certain concrete places by rebuilding them inventively, thus enabling a modulate space in which the collective sphere has an effective weight able on tensing the established power relations.

In early 2001, as I began exploring the role of religion in conflict, I came across a declaration by a then little-known leader, Osama bin Laden, and his fellows. That declaration was of the World Islamic Front for Jihad Against Jews and Crusaders.1 Many analysts now see it as one of the founding documents of al Qaeda, the amorphous terrorist umbrella group. The purpose of the declaration was to issue a fatwa that, because United States troops were stationed in the holy Arabian peninsula and threatened Muslims, particularly in Iraq, it was every Muslim¿s duty ¿to kill the Americans and their allies ¿ civilians and military ¿ ... in any country in which it is possible to do it.¿ Of course, the first thing that struck me, as an American, was that here was a group that wished to kill me solely because of my birthplace. They did not seem to care that I might not support specific actions of my government, even if I supported that government generally. Nor was there any discussion of whether methods other than violence might be more useful in persuading my fellow citizens as to the justice of their cause. I wondered, as a student of peace studies, what I could do in the face of such seemingly implacable hatred. The second thing that struck me about the declaration was its language. I noticed, in particular, a certain flourish that one does not often find in political analysis. The image that ¿nations are attacking Muslims like people fighting over a plate of food¿ has always stayed in my mind because the simple image has such rhetorical power. I also noticed, in accordance with my research interests, the use of religious teachings as a justification for violence. Yet poetic rhetoric and religious dogma were not the only contents of that declaration. Bin Laden and his fellows made coherent political points. They cited as 1 bin Laden, Osama; al-Zawahiri, Ayman; Taha, Abu-Yasir Rifa¿i Ahmad; Hamzah, Mir; Rahman, Fazlul, 1998, ¿Nass Bayan al-Jabhah al-Islamiyah al-Alamiyah li-Jihad al-Yahud wa-al-Salibiyin¿ (¿Declaraton of the World Islamic Front for Jihad Against Jews and Crusaders¿), al-Quds al-Arabi (UK) 9(2732), 23 Feb.: 3, <data.alquds.co.uk/Alquds/1998/02Feb/23%2520Feb% 2520Mon/QudsPage03.pdf>. Cornell University Library hosts an English translation and a photocopy of the original at <www.library.cornell.edu/colldev/mideast/wif.htm> and <./fatw2.htm>, respectively (all web addresses as at 27 Jan. 2005). examples of the harm caused by the United States: the post-Gulf War presence of US troops in Saudi Arabia, ¿dictating to its rulers [and] humiliating its people;¿ the continued bombing of Iraq ¿even though all [Saudi] rulers are against their territories being used to that end;¿ and, finally, the way that these actions contributed to the security of Israel by weakening Arab nations. Thus, beneath its religious expression the declaration contained political points with which I could engage. Now, as I categorically oppose the use of violence, I unreservedly reject the conclusion of the fatwa. Moreover, I do not assume that a single statement is evidence of this group¿s true intent. It may very well be the case, as analysts more versed in their politics than I have argued, that al Qaeda¿s real goal is the establishment of an Islamic caliphate. Its affiliation with Afghanistan¿s Taliban certainly supports this argument. In spite of these things, though, their use of political arguments meant they were trying to reach an audience that cared about such things. I could address that audience as well, and try to propose different courses of action that would address the same concerns. Thus, I could step outside of my original framework, in which I envisioned implacable hatred, and argue for nonviolent ways of addressing the issues. Yet the religious idiom of the declaration was also an important factor. Given that the declaration addressed Muslims as Muslims, by only trying to argue political points with them I might alienate people for whom the religious language meant a great deal. Already in my research I had come to the conclusion, drawing on R. Scott Appleby¿s The Ambivalence of the Sacred,2 that the people best placed to show the peaceful potential of a religion are believers in that religion. I am not, however, religious. Thus, this conclusion left me with no recourse in the face of the religious aspects of conflict. I began to wonder what role a nonreligious ¿ or, as I came to think of myself, a secular ¿ person could play in peacemaking when religion is an element of a conflict. Moreover, 2 Appleby, R. Scott, 2000, The Ambivalence of the Sacred: Religion, Violence, and Reconciliation (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield). I saw that different seculars would have different reactions to bin Laden¿s arguments. Some would reject the message because of the religious medium. Some, like I first did, would perceive the sociopolitical elements but continue to ignore the religious language. Others, as I also briefly did, might consider the religious element but leave out the issue of their own secular nature. Yet no perspective provided a good model for what I, as a secular, might do. Thus, the goal of my thesis became to analyze the various models of secularity, find the most beneficial principles, and construct from these a model for secular best practice. That Osama bin Laden¿s words should catalyze this thesis brings me to two important points. First, this is not a thesis about Islam. If a disproportionate number of the examples that I use throughout the thesis focus on Islam, this should not indicate that Islam deserves special attention concerning conflict and violence. Rather, the focus here is always on secularity and secular responses to religion in situations of conflict. However, particularly after September 11th, the largely secular policy and scholarly establishments of Europe and North America have produced a great deal of material concerning Islam. Thus, while I sought out more diverse sources dealing with secularity, I often used the religion most commented on by secular sources as an exemplar. That leads to the second point, which is that this is not a thesis about terrorism. Given its scope and the place of religion in it, most obvious case study to use in this thesis is the ¿war on terror¿ ¿ which I call such for ease of use, as that is what the Western media generally call it, not because I think it is an adequate designation. I will cover this topic in the final chapter, but because the thesis is about peace and violence in conflict, and not about specific forms of violence, it will not figure elsewhere. Because this thesis is concerned with violence and, specifically, with the promotion of peace, it has an overt prescriptive element. This stems in large part from my Peace Studies background. Peace Studies entails a normative commitment to pursue peaceful situations through nonviolent means. Thus, at several points I actively enjoin readers to take or not take certain types of action because, by my analysis, that is the best way to promote peaceful relationships. More generally, by the title of this thesis, I ask readers to ¿rethink secular and sacred¿ ¿ both what these terms mean, and more importantly how they relate to one another. In particular, this goal leads me to avoid discussing the concept of tolerance. Tolerance is often held to be a virtue by those who seek to promote nonconfrontational religious interaction. However, as many other writers have pointed out, the word ¿tolerance¿ itself stems from physiological and biological studies, where it means the ability to withstand negative factors, such as poisons or drugs.3 Thus I find that its social meaning is essentially negative, denoting forbearance of what one finds repugnant. While in a very limited sense I feel that tolerance is necessary, it is only as a first step to actively engaging with what one might at first find off-putting. By itself, tolerance does not encourage one to rethink one¿s relationship with something, and thus a nonconfrontational situation is not necessarily a peaceful one. As I researched the thesis, although I was aware of academic work concerning tolerance, I found that none of it contributed to my goals. Thus, the thesis took shape in such a way that a treatment of tolerance was unnecessary. As a final note I would like to mention another topic that did not fit into this thesis, which I regard as something of a loss ¿ gender. During my research, I was also aware of work in this field, and, again, the structure of this thesis is such that it was not necessary to mention it explicitly. However, if there is one single issue that cuts across religious and secular groups, as well as the conflicts I analyze, it is the effect of gender roles and issues. Yet the very breadth of the topic put me in a bind ¿ either I could thoroughly treat it and produce a much different thesis, or I could cursorily treat it, perhaps in the chapter on theory and methodology. I chose to do neither, because the first option would have obscured the value that this thesis does have, and the second would have been a paltry treatment of such a weighty topic. However, the theoretical schools I use 3 See, for example, the Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd ed. (1st 1933), Simpson, J.A., and Weiner, E.S.C., co-eds., in. al. (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1989), v. 18, pp. 199-200. in this thesis are amenable to a gendered interpretation. This is particularly the case with integral theory, the chief proponent of which, Ken Wilber, has addressed gender issues in a number of his primary works. One can easily discern what I define in this thesis as a strong-open analysis in his analysis of feminisms. He notes both the strength of the radical feminist perspective that champions female distinctiveness as well as the desire of liberal feminists to open social and political spheres traditionally closed to women, and seeks to bring them together.4 Thus, I am confident that this thesis can bolster future research that specifically addresses gender issues as they arise in conflicts with a religious element.

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The Miocene of the Lidam area, Eastern Province, Saudi Arabia, was studied to examine the interaction of glacio-esustasy during moderate Antarctic glaciation, within a small back bulge basin on the slowly subsiding distal Arabian foreland, distal from the active Zagros fold-thrust belt. Low subsidence rates of 1 to 4 cm/k.y generated the long-term accommodation, which were considerable slower than those in the proximal foredeep in Iran. Deposition of the siliciclastics was driven by lowered sea levels, and moderately humid to arid climate. Rising sea levels pushed the siliciclastics updip allowing mixed siliciclastics and carbonates to form downdip, under semi-arid climate and locally hypersaline conditions. Maximum transgression slightly predated the Middle Miocene climatic optimum when prograding siliciclastics migrated across the platform. Falling triggered siliciclastic deposition under semi-arid climate. Sequences appear to relate to long-term obliquity (~1.2 m.y. cycles) and long-term eccentricity (400 k.y.) cycles. The succession contains numerous missing beats reflecting the updip position of the study area, and sea level changes of tens of meters that frequently exposed the platform. Siliciclastic units commonly are incised into muddy sediments beneath sequence boundaries. Multiple exposure surfaces occur within Hadrukh brecciated palustrine carbonates. Within Dam carbonates, parasequence boundaries commonly are capped by tidal flat laminites (some of which are incipiently brecciated). High frequency negative excursions of ∂¹³C within the succession appear to relate to near-surface diagenesis by soil gas depleted in ∂¹³C beneath sequence boundaries. Positive C isotope excursions in the Lidam Miocene section can be tied to similar excursions in Qatar and UAE, where Sr isotope dates constrain the ages of the units. The overall C isotope profile at Lidam shows depleted values early in the Miocene to heavy values in the Middle Miocene, becoming lighter again in the late Miocene. The profile appears to follow the long-term global ∂¹³C curve. Incursion of meteoric groundwaters into the study area was driven by the long-term global sea level changes. Oxygen isotopes are surprisingly light, extending down to -12.5 ‰VPDB. The very light δ¹⁸O values of the meteoric waters may be explained by rainfall associated with enhanced Miocene Indian monsoons, and with far travelled air mass trajectories migrating across north Africa and from the polar region. / Ph. D.

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The atmospheric boundary layer (ABL) is the lowest layer of the atmosphere where surface effects are felt on time scales of about an hour. While its properties are determined by the surface characteristics, season and synoptic conditions, they in turn determine convective cloud properties and are required for the representation of cloud processes in atmospheric models. Further, interaction of the ABL with the surface layer of the ocean is a key component of ocean-atmosphere coupling. ABL characteristics over ocean surrounding the sub-continent become very important for understanding the monsoon processes during the monsoon season because the roots of many monsoon systems, that give rain to India, are over there. In this thesis data used are from three major field experiments namely the Bay of Bengal Monsoon Experiment (BOBMEX, 1999), Arabian Sea Monsoon Experiment (ARMEX, in two phases, ARMEX-I during 2002 and ARMEX-II in 2003), and Continental Tropical Convergence Zone (CTCZ) experiment (Pilot in 2009) which were carried out under the Indian Climate Research Programme (ICRP). While there have been few studies on ABL characteristics for individual cruises, a comprehensive study considering all available radiosonde data from the above cruises has been missing. This study fills this gap and focuses on the vertical structure of ABL using more than 400 high resolution Vaisala GPS radiosonde data collected over Bay of Bengal and Arabian Sea. The study attempts at first to look at the ABL characteristics of individual cruises and then compare and contrast them over the Bay of Bengal and Arabian Sea. ABL height Hm, estimated by using virtual potential temperature (θv) profile, shows diurnal variation during weak phase of convection while maximum in early morning during active phase of convection. Different variables i.e. moist static energy (h), specific humidity (q), convective available potential energy (CAPE), virtual potential temperature (θv) and equivalent potential temperature (θe) also differ during weak and active convection periods. Conserved variables mixing line approach gives the height up to which ground thermals penetrate in the vertical. This height, denoted by MH that represents the actual ABL height, is 2-3 times larger than Hm when shallow convective clouds are present. In general both Hm and MH are 20-30% larger over Arabian Sea compares to that over Bay of Bengal. Comparison of surface convective available potential energy (CAPE) and equivalent potential temperature (θe) between normal and deficit monsoon years shows that convective instability was as large in deficit years. This means that dynamic and not thermodynamics, controlled the occurrence of convection.