Thesis (M.A.)--Brandeis University, 2008. / Title from IR (viewed on May 29, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005. / Thesis Advisor(s): Peter Lavoy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-75). Also available online.

The scope of the thesis is to study India's nuclear behavior and the international responses in the period following India's nuclear weapons tests in 1998 leading up to the waiver for India by the nuclear suppliers group in 2008. The thesis explores this process of nuclear reconciliation in the context of a quest for international nuclear legitimacy. Nuclear legitimation is understood as a two-sided process and the explanation assumes two sides to the story: the Indian side and the audience side. Grounding the conceptualization within a theoretical framework of constructivism, the thesis explores the legitimation strategies employed by the Indian government to assuage international apprehensions about its possession of nuclear weapons. Additionally, the thesis analyzes how and why selected states in the international audience received and responded to India's strategies. In doing so, the thesis acknowledges but goes beyond an apparent power and interest explanation underlined by geo-political/security considerations and economic/trade interests - to include an analysis of shared norms and beliefs that constituted a basis for legitimacy judgments, circumscribed the interaction between India and other states, induced certain responses on the audience side and made possible certain claims on the Indian side. The principal argument is that normative evaluations and ideational factors served as important resources on both sides and also played an important role in determining the timing as well as the nature of nuclear reconciliation with India. By allowing a strategic employment of different arguments that appealed to the different states in the targeted audience, a legitimation process reduced the political, economic and diplomatic costs for the Indian government. Similarly, it enabled other states in the audience to support (as the P3: France, Russia and United Kingdom did), not come in the way (as the game-changers: Australia, Canada, Germany and Japan did) or not block India-specific waiver (as the white knights: Ireland, Austria, Norway, New Zealand, Sweden and Switzerland did) - and to justify their responses, cost-effectively.

Yes / Welcome to the first issue of the Genomics Monitor. The Genomics Monitor provides information and analysis on developments in the international regulations relevant to the control of the biotechnology revolution. This introductory issue outlines the full range of applicable regulations at the international level - providing details on each regulation's aims, provisions, development and current status. Thirty-five key regulations are covered within the areas of arms control, health and disease control, environmental protection, trade, drugs control and the social and ethical impacts of human genetics. Because this Issue was launched in mid-November 2006 - just prior to the Sixth Review Conference of the Biological Weapons Convention - there is also a section covering Key Points for the Conference. It is clear from the content of the Monitor that there are significant connections between the rules in the different issue areas as they apply to biotechnology. Because of these connections, awareness of developments throughout the set of regulations is important to ensure they develop in a mutually supportive manner. A key aim of this and future Issues is therefore to raise awareness of the connections between the regulations and highlight cross-cutting work being undertaken by associated international organisations. The Genomics Monitor is of relevance to anyone interested in the international regulation of biotechnology, and of particular use to those involved in informing and making policy in this area. / Carnegie Corporation

No / Scientific and technological change in the life sciences is currently transforming the problem of preventing biological warfare and biological terrorism. This transformation will demand a radical and rigorous new approach to biochemical arms control, for which the existing prohibition regimes for chemical and biological weapons are necessary but insufficient building blocks. Examples from the areas of immunology, neurosciences, and the neuroendocrine-immune system are used to show the magnitude of the problem. This book will conclude with outlining additional measures required to control biochemical weapons in the 2lst Century.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This is a study of the growmg importance of Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) in global governance. Global governance is defined as a complex and dynamic process that deals with issues that go beyond the capacity of national governments, that is distinguished from global government because of an absence of a central authority that can ensure compliance and the presence of a wide range of actors including non-state actors. The theory of Complex Multilateralism captures the role of NGOs and NGO coalitions well. Using this theory as a theoretical framework, this study focuses on two recent transnational NGO campaigns (The International Campaign to Ban Landmines [fCBL) and the NGOs against Arms Trade) to determine why some NGO campaigns are more successful than others. The theory of Complex Multilateralism in combination with extensive information on different types of NGOs and their activities on national and international levels, makes it possible to identify criteria that can determine success. These criteria are: a realistic goal, the issue area (type, number, salience and techniques used to frame the issue), government and intergovernmental organisation (lGO) commitment, access to IGOs, extensive expertise, effective use of the media, effective use of information technology, activity variance, leadership, persuasive and influential spokespersons, membership and funds. These criteria are described, defined and then applied to the above-mentioned transnational NGO campaigns. The main finding was that the ICBL was the more successful of the two campaigns because it had more of the criteria for success. In this case the most important reasons for success is: a realistic goal, the focus on a single issue and the effective framing of the issue, significant government commitment as well as good leadership. Although, the criteria that were developed can hardly be universalised, they do provide a useful starting point for further research into this important field in International Studies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk bestudeer die toenemende belangrikheid van Nie-Regerings Organisasies (NROs) in "global governance" Laasgenoemde konsep word gedefinieer as 'n komplekse en dinamiese proses wat behels die hantering van vraagstukke wat buite die beheer is van 'n enkele staat, wat onderskei word van 'n wereld regering as gevolg van die afwesigheid van sentrale gesag en die aanwesigheid van 'n wye reeks van akteurs of rolbekleers insluitente nie-staatlike rolbekleers. Komplekse Multilateralisme bied 'n goeie teoretiese begrip van die rol van NROs en NRO koalisies in hierdie proses. Hierdie studie maak gebruik van Komplekse Multilateralisme as 'n teoretiese raamwerk om te fokus op twee onlangse transnasionale NRO veldtogte ( Die internasionale veldtog om landmyne te verban en die NROs teen wapenhandel) en sodoende te bepaal hoekom sekere NRO veldtogte meer geslaag is as ander. Reedsgenoemde teorie in kombinasie met inligting oor verskillende tipes NROs en hul aktiwiteite op nasionale en internasionale vlakke maak dit moontlik om kriteria vir 'n suksesvolle NRO veldtog te identifiseer. Hierdie kriteria bestaan uit die volgende: 'n realistiese doel, die aard van die vraagstuk (tipe, hoeveelheid, "salience", en tegnieke wat gebruik is om die vraagstuk te formuleer, toewyding van regerings en tussen-regerings-organisasies, toegang tot tussenregerings -organisasies, veelsydige kundigheid, effektiewe gebruik van die media, effektiewe gebruik van inligtingstegnologie, verskeidenheid van aktiwiteite, leierskap, oorredende en invloedryke segspersone, lidmaatskap en fondse. Die bevinding is dat die internasionale veldtog om landmyne te verban die meer geslaagde veldtog is. Die belangriskste redes hiervoor is: 'n realistiese doel, die fokus op enkele vraagstukke en die effektiewe formulering van die vraagstuk, die toegewydheid van baie regerings, sowel as goeie leierskap. Alhoewel die kriteria wat in die studie ontwikkel is nie veralgemeen kan word nie dien dit as 'n nuttige basis vir vedere navorsing oor hierdie belangrike tema in die veld van Internasionale Studie.

This thesis conducts an analysis of the Intersessional Process (ISP) of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC) between 2001 and 2006. Specifically, it aims to assess the extent to which the ISP has resulted in progress towards strengthening the BTWC. The fulfilment of the research aim is derived from three discrete approaches: firstly, an assessment of problems and weaknesses faced by the Convention; secondly, an assessment of common or converging understandings around measures to respond to such problems and weaknesses; and thirdly, an assessment of what effective action has been achieved between 2001 and 2006. To achieve this, this thesis uses a framework that structures the assessment around four dimensions of the BTWC and their evolution within a changing geostrategic and scientific context. The four dimensions identified are compliance, development, institutional and research. The conclusions drawn from this thesis suggest that although the compliance dimension has made some considerable progress in the area of national legislation and biosafety and biosecurity, it remains clear that other areas of the compliance dimension remain underdeveloped and deeply divisive. The development dimension has also made progress over the course of the ISP and, significantly, achieved much greater convergence in its focus around disease surveillance and detection. However, changing dynamics in security and science have negatively affected other areas of the development dimension. In terms of the institutional dimension, there has been a modest progress with regard to the BTWC's institutional and procedural evolution; however, legitimate concerns remain in relation to quantity and quality of membership of the BTWC relative to other agreements. Finally, there has been some motion towards the emergence of a more coherent dimension of research; although certain advances in science research remain neglected in the BTWC forum, and the issue of biodefence has been conspicuously absent from discussion during the ISP. Based on the analysis conducted, this thesis argues that the BTWC has made cautious progress over the course of the ISP, and there is evidence of a convergence in responses and effective action in some areas. However, there is insufficient evidence to suggest there has been 'major progress towards strengthening the Convention' and many issues require much greater attention.

This paper examines the possible future of chemical weapons through an exploration of the origins and history of legal proscriptions on their use and the practical utility of their procurement and use. Past public misunderstanding of the extent of the chemical weapons threat, exacerbated by propaganda, as well as fears of retaliatory use motivated efforts to ban the use of chemical weapons. These prohibitions have had and continue to have weaknesses and loopholes that prevent their intentions from being fully realized. While chemical agents have a wide variety of applications and have several unique advantages, including psychological effects on victims, their use is limited by several drawbacks. The accessibility of some agents is also limited for actors who are not major powers. Recent developments in chemical weapons use, especially their use in the Syrian civil war, inform present understanding of international resolve to prevent chemical weapons use and the continued advantages chemical weapons provide. These findings provide a framework to understand future opportunities for actors to produce chemical weapons and the likelihood that these actors will actually use chemical weapons.

AFRIKAANS: In hierdie proefskrif word wapenbeheer en ontwapening 5005 dit na die Koue Oorlog op globale-, streek-(spesifiek Afrika) en nasionale (spesifiek Suid-Afrika) vlakke toegepas is ondersoek en ontleed. Die doel van die studie is om bestaande kennis op 'n oorsigtelike gekonsolideerde wyse, veral ten opsigte van Afrika en Suid-Afrika uit te brei omdat 'n behoefte in die opsig met die indiening van die navorsingsvoorstel geïdentifiseer is; om aan te toon dat wapenbeheer en ontwapening selfs na die beëindiging van die Koue oorlog steeds wëreldwyd van kardinale belang is; en dat daar na die Koue Oortog ongekende sukses op globale vlak, in Afrika tot 'n mindere mate, en in Suid-Afrika groot sukses met wapenbeheer en ontwapening behaal is. 'n Radikale verandering in binnelandse en buitelandse beleid deur Suid-Afrika het tot gevolg gehad dat Suid-Afrika in die vroeë negentigerjare die eerste staat in die wêreld geword het wat kemontwapening algeheel toegepas het. Suid-Afrika se chemiese en biologiese oorlogvoe¬ringprogramme is ook in die vroeë negentigerjare beëindig. Die demokratisering van die politieke bestel in Suid-Afrika in 1994 het ook grootskaalse betrokkenheid van die Suid¬-Afrikaanse regering by wapenbeheer en ontwapening op globale-, streek- en nasionale vlakke tot gevolg gehad. Die doel van die studie is ook om aan te toon tot watter mate die bëeindiging van die Koue Oortog 'n invloed op wapenbeheer en ontwapening gehad het. Die beëindiging van die Koue Oorlog was 'n resultaat van 'n radikale verandering in binnelandse en buitelandse beleid deur die voormalige Sowjet-Unie. Die studie aangaande wapenbeheer en ontwapening na die Koue Oorlog word voorafgegaan deur 'n ontleding van die teoretiese konsepte van wapenbeheer en ontwapening en die ontwikkeling van die konsepte deur teoretici van die twintigste eeu. Die benaderings met wapenbeheer en ontwapening soos deur hierdie teoretici ontwikkel, word dan ook in die studie toegepas op die verdrae en ooreenkomste wat na die Koue Oorlog onderteken en/of geratifiseer is. Die metode van ondersoek wat vir die bestudering van die onderwerp gevolg is, is histories-beskrywend en analities van aard. Die doeI hiermee was om die verskillende wapenkategorieë en tydperke af te baken en dan vas te stel tot hoe 'n mate wapenbeheer en ontwapening globaal, en meer spesifiek op streek-(Afrika) en nasionale (Suid-Afrika) vlakke na die Koue Oorlog toegepas is. Wapenbeheer en ontwapening soos voor en na die Koue Oorlog toegepas, word ooreenkomstig die teorie, soos in hoofstuk 1 uiteengesit, beoordeel. Die prosedure wat met die navorsing gevolg is, is soos volg: selektering van boeke, dokumente, tydskrifte, nuusblaaie en publikasies van verskillende aard; dataversameling en bestudering van tekse; data-ontleding ten einde vas te stel watter toepaslik is; die proses van vertolking en interpretering van die inligting; toepassing van inligting; evaluasie; en die vorming van gevolgtrekkings. ENGLISH: In this dissertation the processes of arms control and disarmament as implemented at global, regional (Africa) and national (South Africa) levels are investigated and analysed. The purpose of the study is to widen existing knowledge in a consolidated manner, especially with regard to Africa and South Africa. A need in this regard was identified with the submission of the proposal for the study. A further purpose of the study is to indicate that arms control and disarmament, even after the end of the Cold War, is still of utmost importance; and that success of formerly unknown proportions was obtained with arms control and disarmament after the Cold War on the global level, to a lesser extent in Africa, and with great success in South Africa. A radical change in internal as well as foreign policy by the South African government resulted in South Africa being the first state in the world to implement total nuclear disarmament in the early nineties. South Africa's chemical and biological warfare programs were also terminated in the early nineties. The democratisation of the political environment in South Africa in 1994 resulted in South Africa becoming involved in arms control and disarmament at global, regional and national levels. The purpose of the study is also to illustrate to what extent the ending of the Cold War had an influence on arms control and disarmament. The end of the Cold War was a result of a radical change in internal as well as foreign policies of the former Soviet Union. The study of arms control and disarmament after the Cold War is preceded by an analysis of the theoretical concepts of arms control and disarmament by twentieth century theorists. The approaches to arms control and disarmament, as developed by these theorists, are then applied to treaties and agreements, which were signed/ ratified before and after the Cold War. The method of investigation that was followed for the study was historically descriptive and analytical of nature. The purpose was to differentiate between the different categories of weapons and the different periods during which arms control and disarmament were implemented since the earliest times and during and after the Cold War. The approaches to arms control and disarmament, during and after the Cold War, are also assessed according to the theory as explained in chapter 1. The procedure which was followed whilst doing research for the study was as follows: The selection of books, documents, magazines, newspapers, and publications of various nature; compilation and studying of data; analysis of data to establish which would be appropriate to use; the process of interpretation of the information; application; evaluation and forming of conclusions. <p / Thesis (DPhil (International Politics))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This thesis addresses the issue of autonomous weapons systems and their potential preventive prohibition with regard to current international discussions at multilateral forums such as the Human Rights Council, First Committee of the General Assembly, and Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons at UN. The aim of this thesis is to provide an extensive empirical account of the substance of those discussions and their most likely outcome, estimating state preferences with use of content analysis and the likely outcome with median voter prediction. From a theoretical standpoint, the thesis draws from defensive realism and contributions of arms control, arms trade as well as institutionalist literature from which it draws the concept of legalization. From a methodological standpoint, the thesis relies on quantitative methods, in particular, content analysis for collection of data and median voter theorem for prediction of the likely outcome. In addition, the thesis uses the method of regression analysis to examine states' activity at the aforementioned fora. In conclusion, the thesis finds that the most likely outcome of discussions on autonomous weapons systems is a moderate-obligation form of hybrid regulation, which includes solutions such as framework convention and moratorium. Further finding of...