La politique étrangère de la République populaire de Chine est l’objet d’explications doxiques qui, en vertu d’un raisonnement rationaliste positiviste, lui attribuent des visées secrètes, déterminées par des « intérêts » de « sécurité ». L’accession en 2003 de la Chine au rang symbolique de troisième puissance spatiale, après les États-Unis et la Russie, a été présentée par les experts réalistes des Relations internationales comme un témoignage supplémentaire de l’ambiguïté du pouvoir politique chinois quant à son utilisation des technologies militaires dans l’espace extra-atmosphérique. L’objectif de la thèse est de proposer une approche constructiviste de la politique étrangère chinoise en matière de Prévention d’une course aux armements dans l’espace. Il s’agit de reconnaître les sources premières par lesquelles le pouvoir politique chinois fait connaître et évoluer sa position en la matière. Le discours diplomatique produit à Genève par la délégation chinoise auprès de la Conférence du désarmement (CD) entre 1998 et 2009 est le matériau analysé par l’étude. Sa matérialité discursive est instituée dans des documents multiples au travers desquels sont produits des récits en légitimation des normes prescrites par la délégation chinoise ainsi que des représentations problématisées du réel social. La production discursive de normes façonne un ethos idéalisé du pouvoir politique en RPC. Elle est aussi constitutive de stratégies rhétoriques de coercition et de contestation destinées à contraindre la production discursive des délégations des autres États à propos de négociations connexes. Ces stratégies sont à l’origine du « blocage » de la CD depuis 1998. / The People’s Republic of China foreign policy is subject to doxic explanations which, in accordance with a rationalist positivist problem-solving theory, see it as secretly determined by “security interests”. The symbolic world space power rank that China has gained until 2003, behind the United States and Russia, was set out by realist International relations experts as further evidence of Chinese political power ambiguity towards its possible application of military technologies in outer space. The purpose of this research is to put forward a constructivist approach of the Chinese foreign policy related to the Prevention of an arms race in outer space. Primary sources of its position must be identified in order to understand the way the Chinese political power develop it. The Geneva Conference on Disarmament (CD) diplomatic discourse produced by Chinese diplomacy between 1998 and 2009 is the material of the study. The discourse materiality is constituted by working papers and statements through which numerous narratives are produced in order to legitimate norms and to problematize the representations of social reality. Discursive production of international norms shapes an idealized ethos of the political power in People’s Republic of China. Discursive production is also constitutive of coercion and contestation strategies, designed to force the discursive production of the other State members representatives about related negociated issues. Since 1998, these strategies have resulted in the CD deadlock.

The diploma thesis "Strategic Defense Initiative" deals with the issue of the Strategic initiative on the basis of historical-political analysis. The SDI was a crucial topic during the 80s, which had political impacts on the development of the international events and the Cold war in general. This work presents brief history of the United States ABM systems and introduced historical context. Furthermore, the author analyzes possible reasons for the SDI announcement and reexamines Reagan's speech from March 1983. Persons and interest groups who were promoting strategic defense are also included in this analysis. Problems connected to the SDI and its brief description are also mentioned. The following chapter deals with Soviet reaction to the SDI. The seventh chapter dicusses the European reaction to the SDI. The topic is analyzed on the example of United Kingdom. Next chapter deals with the Anti Ballistic Missile treaty and its interpretations from the SDI prespective. Last chapter discusses US - Soviet summits which took place in the 80s with emphasis on the SDI.

The thesis has aimed to study the emergence of a new weapons technology, also known as ‘killer robots’ or lethal autonomous weapon system. It seeks to answer what factors drive the development and deployment of this weapon system without ‘meaningful human control’, a component that allows the decision to kill to be delegated to machines. The research question focuses on seeking the motivations to develop and deploy LAWS, as well as the consequences this would have on military conduct and conflict characteristics.The incentives they bring up and the way of adopting them has been studied by synthesizing antinomic democratic peace theory and adoption capacity theory respectively. The findings of this qualitative content analysis lead to two major conclusions. (1) That LAWS present severe risk avoidance and costs reduction potential for the user. These factors have a more prevalent pull on democracies than autocracies, since they stand to benefit from LAWS’ specific capabilities more in comparison. (2) That their adoption is aided by low financial intensity needed to adopt it, due to the high commercial profitability and applicability of AI technology, and the ease of a spillover to military sphere. Their adoption is hindered by high organizational capital needed to implement the drastic changes LAWS bring. All of this leads to the prediction that LAWS are likely to proliferate further, at a medium speed, and potentially upset the balance of power.

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Text in Afrikaans / Die portefeulje Verdediging het vanaf 1948 tot 1959 besondere eise aan F.C. Erasmus gestel. Hy moes 'n parate en doeltreffende Unieverdedigingsmag, wat Suid-Afrika teen moontlike kommunistiese aggressie kon verdedig, daarstel. Hy moes ook die Nasionale Party se verdedigingsbeleid, tot nag toe abstrakte beginsels vervat in die partyprogram, implementeer. Erasmus het die Mag d.m.v. 'n ingrypende hervormingsprogram met 'n Suid-Afrikaanse identiteit beklee en Afrikaanssprekendes in groat getalle daarheen gelok. Nieteenstaande die beperkte hulpbronne tot die land se beskikking en sterk kritiek teen hom, het Erasmus Suid-Afrika se verdediging met rasse skrede laat vooruitgaan. Hy het die organisasie, opleiding en krygstuig van die Mag uitgebou en gemoderniseer, en ook die grondslag van 'n onafhanklike, plaaslike krygstuigvervaardigingsbedryf gele. Voorts het Erasmus 'n prominente rol in Suid-Afrika se internasionale militere strategie gespeel. Hy bet onvermoeid gepoog om die Europese koloniale moondhede te oorreed om 'n Afrika-verdedigingsorganisasie op die been te bring. 'n Hoogtepunt van sy dienstermyn aan die internasionale front was Brittanje se oordrag van Simonstad aan Suid-Afrika. / The Defence portfolio placed heavy demands on F.C. Erasmus from 1948 to 1959. He had to transform the South African armed forces into an efficient and combat ready Union Defence Force. He also had to implement the National Party's defence policy, which hitherto consisted of abstract principles contained in the party's political programme. Erasmus made far reaching changes to the Union Defence Force, furnishing it with a distinct South African identity. Despite criticism against him and the country's limited resources Erasmus improved South Africa's defence significantly. He modernized the organization, training and equipment of the Union Defence Force and established the basis for an independent local armaments industry. Erasmus also played a prominent role in South Africa's international military strategy. He laboured unceasingly to persuade the European colonial powers to enter into an African defence alli~nce. One of his greatest achievements is the transfer of Simonstown to South Africa. / History / M.A. (Geskiedenis)

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / India has made a concerted effort to upgrade its ISR, precision strike, and missile defense capabilities as it competes with China and Pakistan for regional power. The Phalcon Airborne Warning and Control System, Su-30MKI fighter-bomber aircraft, and S-300PMU surface-to-air missile system are some examples of the new capabilities India is acquiring. I argue that if India continues its military modernization, Pakistan will become more insecure. The increase in the conventional military capabilities gap will likely upset the existing balance of power in South Asia, leading to a regional arms race, lowering the nuclear threshold, and increasing instability in the region. The strategic stability/tactical instability paradox that exists between two nuclear countries may lead them to engage in "small" wars. India's increasing military capabilities may encourage it to conduct a preventive strike against Pakistan. In such a climate, a regional arms race eventually may lead Pakistan to establish a "hair-trigger" nuclear posture. India's effort to achieve a significantly superior conventional military force over Pakistan paradoxically may reduce Indian security by causing greater instability, and possibly lead to nuclear war. Regional stability is enhanced to the extent that there is a rough conventional military balance between India and Pakistan. / Lieutenant, United States Navy

Thesis (M. of Military Art and Science)--U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, 2007. / The original document contains color images. Also available via the Internet.

Text in Afrikaans / Die portefeulje Verdediging het vanaf 1948 tot 1959 besondere eise aan F.C. Erasmus gestel. Hy moes 'n parate en doeltreffende Unieverdedigingsmag, wat Suid-Afrika teen moontlike kommunistiese aggressie kon verdedig, daarstel. Hy moes ook die Nasionale Party se verdedigingsbeleid, tot nag toe abstrakte beginsels vervat in die partyprogram, implementeer. Erasmus het die Mag d.m.v. 'n ingrypende hervormingsprogram met 'n Suid-Afrikaanse identiteit beklee en Afrikaanssprekendes in groat getalle daarheen gelok. Nieteenstaande die beperkte hulpbronne tot die land se beskikking en sterk kritiek teen hom, het Erasmus Suid-Afrika se verdediging met rasse skrede laat vooruitgaan. Hy het die organisasie, opleiding en krygstuig van die Mag uitgebou en gemoderniseer, en ook die grondslag van 'n onafhanklike, plaaslike krygstuigvervaardigingsbedryf gele. Voorts het Erasmus 'n prominente rol in Suid-Afrika se internasionale militere strategie gespeel. Hy bet onvermoeid gepoog om die Europese koloniale moondhede te oorreed om 'n Afrika-verdedigingsorganisasie op die been te bring. 'n Hoogtepunt van sy dienstermyn aan die internasionale front was Brittanje se oordrag van Simonstad aan Suid-Afrika. / The Defence portfolio placed heavy demands on F.C. Erasmus from 1948 to 1959. He had to transform the South African armed forces into an efficient and combat ready Union Defence Force. He also had to implement the National Party's defence policy, which hitherto consisted of abstract principles contained in the party's political programme. Erasmus made far reaching changes to the Union Defence Force, furnishing it with a distinct South African identity. Despite criticism against him and the country's limited resources Erasmus improved South Africa's defence significantly. He modernized the organization, training and equipment of the Union Defence Force and established the basis for an independent local armaments industry. Erasmus also played a prominent role in South Africa's international military strategy. He laboured unceasingly to persuade the European colonial powers to enter into an African defence alli~nce. One of his greatest achievements is the transfer of Simonstown to South Africa. / History / M.A. (Geskiedenis)

Job satisfaction is one of the key antecedents to organizational performance, growth and survival. The attitude employees have towards their work significantly affects employees and organizational performance. The main objective of this study was to develop a job satisfaction model for organizational performance in armed conflict societies. The study examined how the effects of armed conflicts affect job satisfaction among workers working in armed conflict societies. A concurrent triangulation mixed approach, that is a mixture of qualitative and quantitative was employed to establish the relationship between the effects of armed conflicts and job satisfaction. The study population comprised 13 organisations drawn from Tete province. Quantitative data was collected using questionnaires from 200 respondents while qualitative data was gathered from 20 participants using an interview schedule. The Statistical Package for Social Scientists (SPSS) and thematic data analysis methods were used to analyse quantitative and qualitative data respectively. The hypotheses were tested using multiple regression analysis, correlational analysis and the t-tests. The study showed that there is a strong correlation between the effects of armed conflict and job satisfaction. The intensity of the war determines the level of job satisfaction among workers working for organisations in armed conflict societies. The study established that job satisfaction in armed conflict societies is also influenced by the destruction of the economic infrastructure, destruction of interpersonal relationships, intercommunity violence, political interference, killings and torture of civilians, deterioration of health and education systems, economic depression and displacement of people. The study further found out that job satisfaction in armed conflict societies negatively affects key organizational performance antecedents such as rate of absenteeism, labour turnover, employee loyalty and commitment, psychological status of employees and health of employees. Job satisfaction in armed conflict societies directly and indirectly affects organizational performance, profitability, value of shares, market share and organizational growth. To minimize the consequences of low job satisfaction on organizational performance, organizations should put in place measures that propel job satisfaction such as providing counselling services, social services and financial and non-financial support. The study concluded that job satisfaction can be increased by any or all of the following strategies:1) flexible work organisation and establishing an effective team, 2) provision of secure staff offices and residences, 3) compensating employees for war related injuries and deaths, 4) provision of better social services, 5) provision of leisure, recreational activities and infrastructure, and 6) provision of counselling platforms. The study contributed to the body of knowledge by developing a job satisfaction model for organizational performance in armed conflict societies. Furthermore, contrary to other researchers whose studies concentrated on job related factors of job satisfaction, this study focused on how the effects of armed conflict influence job satisfaction. / Graduate School of Business Leadership / D. B. L.