En Argentine, pendant le Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, une mobilisation voit le jour en 1981, Teatro Abierto : elle durera jusqu’en 1986. Au Chili, sous le régime de Pinochet, des foyers de protestation théâtraux essaiment à Santiago, sans que la profession théâtrale ne parvienne ni à s’unir ni à gagner en visibilité. Cette thèse interroge les notions de résistance et de mobilisation en cherchant à résoudre ce paradoxe de départ : pourquoi et comment une profession artistique parvient-elle à se mobiliser dans une situation autoritaire a priori plus fermée qu'une autre? Outre les caractéristiques historiques, macro, méso et micro-sociologiques des deux milieux professionnels considérés, on s’aperçoit que la nature de la répression (structurelle ou individuelle) et ses effets sont une variable cruciale pour comprendre les dynamiques d’engagement. A l’aide d’une enquête qualitative de neuf mois conjuguant entretiens, récits de vie, observations participantes et travail sur archives, nous démontrons que la répression à l’oeuvre sous le Proceso entraîne une économie affective spécifique chez les membres de Teatro Abierto, qui explique en partie le passage à la mobilisation. Les artistes effectuent une double conversion émotionnelle, pour, d’une part, passer du sentiment d’humiliation au sentiment d’indignation, et, d’autre part, réhabiliter dans l’espace public grâce à des outils théâtraux précis les émotions euphoriques et ludiques que le régime avait censurées. A terme, la mobilisation permet aux acteurs de reconstruire une estime de soi défaillante, gagner en capital symbolique et politique, et autorise les spectateurs à militer et à vivre par procuration. / In Argentina, the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional is soon challenged by the emergence of a mobilisation movement in 1981, Teatro Abierto, which will last until 1986. In Chile, under Pinochet's regime, many hubs of theatrical protest proliferate in Santiago, however, the theatrical profession does not succeed in creating unity or gaining visibility. This thesis questions the concepts of resistance and mobilisation, and endeavours to solve this initial paradox: why and how does a branch of the performing arts manage to mobilise itself in an authoritarian context which seems, at first glance, more closed than any other. Besides the historical and macro, meso, micro-sociological characteristics of the two professional groups under study, it appears that the nature of the repression (whether structural or individual) and its consequences are a crucial variable to understand the dynamics of political commitment. The results of the qualitative survey, carried out over a period of nine months, and including interviews, collection of life stories, participatory observation and research based on records, show that the repression at stake under the Proceso leads to a specific economy of affection among the members of Teatro Abierto; which explains in some respect the transition towards mobilisation. The artists undergo a double emotional transformation, in order to, on one hand, move from humiliation to indignation, and, on the other hand, rehabilitate – within the public place and thanks to the specificity of the theatrical mechanisms – the euphoric and playful emotions that were banned by the regime. On the long run, mobilisation enables the actors to rebuild their damaged self esteem, to increase their symbolic and political capital and to allow the audience to militate against the regime and live by proxy.

In the theory part of this thesis will examine the connection between politics and sport, including the politicization of major sport events and the particular role of non-democratic states as host nations. In the empirical part, three case studies (Summer Olympics Beijing 2008, Winter Olympics Sochi 2014, and FIFA World Cup Qatar 2018) will be analyzed in the light of how they have influenced (or have the potential to influence) reforms, the adoption of democratic structures, and the human rights situation.

Voting in an election is the most basic and fundamental form of political participation in a democracy. Citizens are given the opportunity to elect legislators that take political decisions on their behalf. As immigration is increasing globally, many immigrants find themselves with this opportunity for the very first time immigrating from authoritarian regimes. Are immigrants from authoritarian regime able to adapt to their new political setting, or is there an observable difference in voter turnout based on the regime-type of the immigrant’s native country? There exist three branches of theories within the theoretical framework of political resocializa-tion: the theory of exposure, the theory of transferability and the theory of resistance. Previous research on the adaptability of immigrants from authoritarian regimes is often single case stud-ies that only analyse one of the three branches or analyse different forms of political participa-tion and have produced somewhat contradicting results. With empirical evidence remaining the relationship between voter turnout and regime-type is yet to be fully comprehended. By using data from the European Value Survey, this study tests all three theories of political resocializa-tion in 34 countries, to further generate insight into this matter. The results show that immigrants from authoritarian regimes are not less likely to vote in the national election of their new host country. The amount of exposure to the new host country, or whether the immigrant spent his “formative years” in the authoritarian regime are not statisti-cally significant to voting. Age, marital status, education and income are shown to be more statistically significant predictors to voter turnout, compared to regime-type.

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Cette recherche s’inscrit au croisement de deux problématiques des études urbaines : le gouvernement urbain et les services publics en réseau. Elle étudie le cas de la gestion des déchets ménagers en Égypte à travers trois études de cas (Le Caire, Giza et Alexandrie) où la délégation du service à des entreprises européennes a transformé la gestion urbaine. Avant les Révoltes, l’Égypte, malgré des réformes de libéralisation économique et politique de façade, était demeurée un régime autoritaire et centralisé. Dans ce contexte d’une absence a priori de gouvernement urbain, comment assurer l’adaptation locale et la réponse aux besoins locaux d’une politique publique ? Proposant une grille de lecture du gouvernement urbain, nous étudions sa formation et/ou transformation et les conditions de la territorialisation des politiques publiques à travers la réforme de la gestion des déchets. Définissant ce service public comme « réseau mou », nous postulons qu’il a des caractéristiques propres à modeler le gouvernement urbain dans sa dimension institutionnelle et horizontale. Trois résultats peuvent être tirés de cette recherche. Tout d’abord, si l’État, pendant le processus de réforme, jouait un rôle central, une partie du service lui échappe dans l’implantation de la politique. Deuxièmement, ce réseau « mou » peut atteindre des objectifs de service public au même titre que les réseaux « durs » traditionnels (eau, assainissement, etc.) dans le cadre. Troisièmement, que y compris dans un régime autoritaire, ce service public particulier, a stimulé la formation de gouvernements urbains dans une forme d’autonomie vis-à-vis de l’État / This research is situated at the crossover between two issues in urban studies: urban government and networked public infrastructure. It explores the case of solid waste management reform in Egypt, through three case studies (Cairo, Giza and Alexandria) where the privatization of public utilities involving European companies has affected urban management. Before the Arab Spring (as the uprisings were called), Egypt was governed under an authoritarian and centralized regime, despite some surface economic and political reforms. In this context of an a priori absence of urban government, how can public policy be locally adapted to fit local needs? Developing a framework of analysis related to urban government, we study its formation and/or transformation and the condition through which public policies are translated into action on the ground through the reform of solid waste management. Defining this public utility as a ‟soft-network″, we postulate that it has characteristics, which allow it to shape urban government in its institutional and horizontal dimensions. Three results can be drawn from the research. Firstly, we show that the State played a central role, during implementation at the local level. However, the State lost control of a part of the utility management in the process. Secondly, this ‟soft-network″ was able to attain the objectives of a public utility, just as traditional ‟hard-networks″ do (water, sanitation, etc.). Thirdly, even under an authoritarian regime, this specific public networked utility did indeed participate in the local formation of urban government in Egypt in a kind of autonomy from the State.

Is the risk of civil conflict related to the quality of government? This dissertation contributes to the quantitative research on this topic. First, it provides a more nuanced account of the role of the government in influencing the risk of civil conflict. In doing so, the dissertation bridges a gap between the quantitative literature, which primarily focuses on types of regimes, and the qualitative literature, which emphasizes variations in how political authority is exercised within these institutions. Second, the dissertation introduces novel measures of the quality of government, and tests their association with civil peace across countries, over time. The dissertation consists of an introductory chapter and four separate essays. Essay I examines the risk of conflict across different types of authoritarian regimes. The statistical results suggest that single-party regimes have a lower risk of civil conflict than military and multi-party authoritarian regimes. The finding is attributed to the high capacity for coercion and co-optation within single-party institutions. Essay II studies whether cross-national variations in the occurrence of civil conflict are due to differences in the quality of government. The essay finds that governments that are not able to carry through such basic governing tasks as protecting property rights and providing public goods, render themselves vulnerable to civil conflict. The focus of Essay III is on patronage politics, meaning that rulers rely on the distribution of private goods to retain the support necessary to stay in power. The statistical results suggest that patronage politics per se increase the risk of conflict. The conflict-inducing effect is mediated by large oil-wealth, however, because the government can use the wealth strategically to buy off opposition. Essay IV argues that patronage politics can also lead to violent conflict between groups. The results from a statistical analysis, based on unique sub-national data on inter-group conflict in Nigeria, are consistent with this argument. Taken together, the findings of this dissertation suggest that both the form and degree of government have a significant influence on the risk of civil conflict.

In 1965, Singapore became independent. While this country¡¦s history is not a long one, nor is its surface area expansive, its economic prowess has astounded all. It is truly a city state which deserves closer examination. The long rule of the People¡¦s Action Party includes the terms of Prime Ministers Lee Kuan Yew, Goh Chok Tong, and Lee Hsien Loong. While this period has been marked with outstanding economic accomplishments, Singapore¡¦s political development has been primarily under an authoritarian leadership model. This study divides these three administrations into the Lee Kuan Yew period and post Lee Kuan Yew period and analyzes methods of rule the People¡¦s Action Party takes with respect to politics, economic issues, and social issues in creating its authoritarian regime today. In the political realm, the People¡¦s Action Party limited opposition from gaining political control through intended and actual operations. In the economic realm, they created large nationally owned companies covering an enormous scope and, through the cooperation of labor, capital, and governance, kept their hand on the levers of the economy. With respect to society, the People¡¦s Action Party controlled media and news publications in order to slow the development of civil society. Thus, they have achieved stability in their authoritarian rule. The same time, the theory through Western authoritarian, it is attributed to the authoritarian rule of the common features in order to distinguish between Singapore today is what type of authoritarian regime. Found that Singapore, although from time to time that congressional elections are held regularly, but still did not have a fair and free election system, therefore be classified as a mixed constitution "competitive authoritarian" regimes. Contemporaneously,western theories are utilized to draw conclusions concerning the common characteristics of authoritarianism and distinguish what type of authoritarian regime Singapore is today. This study finds though Singapore holds regular parliamentary elections from time to time, it has never held fair or free elections and must therefore be classified as a hybrid ¡§competitive authoritarian¡¨ form of government.

A travers l’étude de l’émergence et de l’évolution de l’espace de la recherche non étatique en sciences sociales en Biélorussie la thèse revisite la frontière entre la science et la politique et aborde la question de l’engagement intellectuel dans le contexte des transformations postsoviétiques. En 1992, en s’inspirant du modèle des think tanks, des entrepreneurs intellectuels biélorusses ont fondé les premières organisations privées de recherche. Le nouveau mode professionnalisé de production intellectuelle est alors conçu comme un instrument de la « désoviétisation » de la science et de la « démocratisation » de la politique. Les transformations autoritaires de 1995-1996 ont marginalisé cet espace au sein du champ du pouvoir et ont provoqué sa politisation contestataire. Vers 2006 la quasi-totalité des centres fonctionnaient en dehors des cadres légaux. La nouvelle génération de chercheurs qui arrive dans les années 2000 contribue à la reproduction de son caractère à la fois engagé et professionnel. Un nouveau système de relations entre les agents du champ politique et les think tankers permet à ces derniers de prétendre aux rôles d’« experts indépendants » et d’« intellectuels engagés ». / Studying the evolution of the space of non-state social science research in Belarus, this thesis re-examines the border between science and politics, and raises the question of political role of intellectuals in post-soviet societies. In 1992, inspired by the think tank model, the Belarusian intellectual entrepreneurs set up the first national private research institutes. The new professional mode of intellectual production was presented as a tool for “de-sovietisation” of science and “democratisation” of politics. The 1995-1996 authoritarian transformation marginalised the non-state research in the field of power. In 2006, most private research institutes lose legal status and operate informally. Nonetheless, the new generation of think tankers reproduce the professional and protest character of the non-state research. In the new relations system that connects them with agents of the political field, the think tankers continue to claim the roles of “independent experts” and “public intellectuals”.

Social media are often referred to as democracy drivers in autocratic states, whereas in some countries, they appear as tools of the regimes that employ a wide range of mechanisms to restrict freedom of expression online. In authoritarian countries, political bloggers stand out as new political leaders or anti-regime actors, serve as alternative information sources, advocate for political action, or mobilize financial support for different initiatives. Political conditions in countries with established governments’ control practices complicate publishing routines for political bloggers and may increase incentives to self-censor. Employing the theory of the spiral of silence, this study analyzes self-censorship in social media among political bloggers in two neighboring post-Soviet autocratic countries - Belarus and Russia. The research is based on a comparison of media legislation in Belarus and Russia, textual analysis of political blogs, and survey among political bloggers in the two countries. The survey demonstrates that political bloggers face obstacles in forms of administrative or criminal sentences, forceful blocking of their pages, online threats, or experience pressure/ attention from secret services. Despite these challenges, political bloggers in Belarus and Russia demonstrate readiness to speak out and criticize political elites. According to the model suggested in this thesis, the majority of political bloggers practice self-censorship at the pre-publishing stages in forms of selecting topics and wording, avoiding particular names. The author argues that in autocratic countries, the spiral of silence, that engages more people to silence their opinion due to political obstacles, can be and is currently challenged by political bloggers, as decentralized political opinion leaders, who aim to break down the spiral of silence. The research contributes to media studies of social media and freedom of expression in autocratic countries. Political bloggers as neither ordinary social media users nor media in the non-democratic world require more attention among media and political scholars.

This diploma thesis deals with the comparison of the political regimes of Slobodan Milosevic in Serbia and Franjo Tudjman in Croatia in the years 1991 - 1997 from the point of view of the theory of authoritarian regimes. The subject of the research was to determine the similarities and differences that the regimes showed in a given period. In the beginning of the work, the author approaches the theoretical core of the concepts of authoritarian regimes by Juan J. Linz and the competitive authoritarianism of Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way. The analytical part of the work consists of a synchronous dual-case study of Serbia and Croatia focused on the main aspects of authoritarian regimes and their subsequent comparison. The output of the thesis consists in a critical analysis of the features of both examined regimes at the level of limited political pluralism, the relationship between mentality and ideology and depoliticization versus mobilization and application of theories of authoritarian regimes to Serbia and Croatia in a given period. An important finding was that although the countries showed many similar features, the main differences were in the character of Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tudjman. The work concludes that Serbia and Croatia can be included in hybrid semi-competitive...